Indonesia ATL: The Presidency of Try Sutrisno (1997-)
- Thread starter GSD310
- Start date
Still time for things to change, I suppose. But I’ve had that internal debate myself about whether ITTL Indonesia have what it takes to cause enough butterfly wings to have an effect on Islamic radicalism? Thus far, the only thing that’s certain is that with Indonesia doing better economically, the environment is less fertile and unconducive for radicals within Indonesia’s borders.
Yeah, I think 9/11 does still happen, but one plane might miss its target or, alternatively, all four planes hit their targets...
Wonder who the GOP candidate is in the US ITTL...
The World Circa August 2000 (The Rest of the World)
Gulf States:
The Indonesian government continued its effort to draw investment from the oil-rich region. Its main target in the first half of 2000 was Bahrain. There was a political motivation for this. Bahrain was one of the UN Security Council Non-Permanent members which opted to ratify the Singapore Settlement. Minister of Trade Dorodjatun Kunjtoro-Jakti was dispatched with a delegation for this purpose in February 2000.
The Gulf States were being actively courted to invest in Indonesia especially to help finance infrastructure development. By August 2000, however, the most visible display of Arab investment in Try Sutrisno’s Indonesia remained the Exor II Refinery at Sorong, Irian Jaya which was a partnership between Pertamina and Saudi Arabia’s state-owned oil company, Aramco. Sorong noted an influx of foreigners from Saudi Arabia, executives and engineers alike. Arabic language hotels and restaurants began to sprout in Sorong.
Syria:
After a 29 year Presidency, President Hafez Al-Assad died in June 2000. The most notable guest in Al-Assad’s funeral was Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov of Russia. Primakov said that he would like to resume the good relations Russia enjoyed with Syria in the past. Primakov’s presence as well as his statement about “the past” prompted a stir in the international relations community with articles about the “onset of a new Cold War” becoming en vogue in the middle of 2000.
Israel:
A year after he had been elected, Prime Minister Ehud Barak made good on his promise to withdraw Israeli troops out of Southern Lebanon. But what quickly would force itself onto Barak’s agenda was Palestine. In July 2000, President Bill Clinton invited Barak and Chairman of the Palestinian Liberation Organization/President of the Palestinian National Authority Yasser Arafat to Camp David in an effort to broker an end to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. The two week summit ended in abysmal failure. Barak would later say that it was doomed from the start. Arafat never intended to get a result and Clinton was tense, in full knowledge that his legacy was rapidly becoming one where even though the American economy was in good shape, there was the specter of a resurgent Russia on the international front as he was about to leave the world stage. Back at Tel-Aviv, Barak narrowly survived a no-confidence vote in the Knesset as he was about to leave for Camp David and another one after he had returned from the failed summit.
Egypt:
“From 19th-20th June, Egypt had the honor of holding its second G-15 Summit in 3 years. At the time, President Try was dealing with the aftermath of the Slipi Agreement, the impending end of Golkar, and the passing of the various election-related laws so he could not attend. So it fell on me to attend on his behalf…
Our nation and President Try were, as President of Egypt Hosni Mubarak put it, in high demand at the Summit. In 1998 and 1999, we were a nation that was doing well in handling the Asian Financial Crisis. Now we’re the nation that had overcome the crisis. Officials were coming in from left and right to talk about our experiences. President Eduardo Duhalde of Argentina came to talk as did President Fernando Henrique Cardoso of Brazil, this despite the latter being initially suspicious of our settling of the East Timor matter. Going through their own crises, they asked us “How did you do it?”
Others wanted the interaction because having survived the Asian Financial Crisis, we’ve increased our stature. President of Algeria Abdelazis Bouteflika for example said that it was his goal to have Algeria emerge out of isolation and built relations with the world’s “foremost” nations which in his opinion, also included Indonesia” –Memoirs Of Vice President JB Sumarlin: The Cayenne Pepper Born In A Paddy Field (2012).
Nigeria:
Indonesia continued to built on its bilateral and economic relationship with Nigeria. Prior to the G-15 Summit at Egypt, Vice President JB Sumarlin and Indonesia’s delegation stopped over at Nigeria. Sumarlin was welcomed warmly by President Olesegun Obasanjo. Indonesia increasingly saw Nigeria as a market for its products and was willing to invest. After Indomie had established a factory in Nigeria, Sosro Tea (bottled tea) and Wings (consumer goods) were now also looking to invest in Nigeria. The even more interesting news was interest in having Indomie distributed in countries which neighbors Nigeria such as Benin and Cameroon.
Tanzania:
Tanzania became IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus’ final act as his time rapidly drew to a close in February 2000. Camdessus posed for pictures with President Benjamin Nkapa. Nkapa had been successfully reforming and liberalizing the Tanzanian economy with the assistance of the IMF. Camdessus pointedly said that there was “no contradiction between economic growth and the IMF’s prescriptions. As a matter of fact, Tanzania has achieved both during Mr. Nkapa’s presidency. I think if others are unhappy, it’s just an excuse to obtain the IMF’s funds but not to play by its rules”.
Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita in a press conference said that Indonesia does not begrudge Tanzania for forging its own path to economic development but that it does have problems if nations were supposed to subscribe to policies that can lead to social unrest and worsen the economic crisis.
Netherlands:
Within Indonesia’s Department of Foreign Affairs, the decision to withdraw the Indonesian Ambassador to the Netherlands, had been dubbed as “Try and Ginandjar’s impulse decision-making”. The Navy Headquarters also joined in the internal discontent with Navy Chief of Staff Indroko saying that the state of Indonesia’s relationship with the Netherlands made it difficult for the Navy to purchase weaponry and obtain transfer of knowledge from the Dutch Navy. Try got the message; it was why he allowed the Dutch Navy to help in the aftermath of the Enggano Earthquake in June 2000 and wrote a thank you letter to Prime Minister Wim Kok.
For Kok’s part, he was also facing pressure to make amends with Indonesia from within his own governing coalition. While Kok’s own Labour Party was divided, the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) was more unambiguously in favor of making amends with Indonesia.
Germany:
Entering the year 2000, Chancellor Gerhard Schroder’s main agenda was to ensure the election of a German to the IMF Managing Director’s position which Camdessus was due to depart from in February 2000. Schroder had thought the puzzle pieces were falling in place. Early in January 2000, the Chancellery received a message from State Secretary Edi Sudrajat in Jakarta. The message said that Try Sutrisno was committing Indonesia to support Caio Koch-Weser, Schroder’s candidate for IMF Managing Director. Indonesia would in turn lobby the other 9 ASEAN nations to support Koch-Weser and convince Japan to withdraw its candidacy. Schroder was satisfied. He had been convinced by the unofficial envoy between Indonesia and Germany BJ Habibie that Try would make good on his word. It was just that time would be needed. Schroder was willing to give Try his time, his mind already thinking ahead. If Indonesia could bring the other 9 ASEAN Nations, Schroder could use it to shore up wavering support in Europe.
As it turned out, Indonesia was not going to be able to make good on its word. In exchange for being allowed to graduate from the IMF’s aid program without further conditions from the IMF, Indonesia had to refrain from committing or lobbying others to commit in the IMF Managing Director selection process. Clinton himself had imposed this condition on Try. There were profuse apologies issued by the Indonesian Government. Schroder wondered what would happen next.
Schroder had counted Clinton as an ideological friend but what happened next blindsided him. Minister of Finance Hans Eichel had warned Schroder that Secretary of Treasury Lawrence Summers was not going to accept Koch-Weser. Schroder didn’t believe it until Clinton gave him a call and said that the United States will fall behind Stanley Fischer. Clinton told Schroder that the IMF needed someone who will be able to enforce the IMF’s will and stand up to nations attempting to bend the IMF’s rules. Schroder protested, saying that it was tradition that the IMF’s Managing Director be European while the President of the World Bank be American. Clinton would not budge. Only persistent badgering got Clinton to back down somewhat and guarantee that in exchange for Schroder’s acceptance of Fischer, the next President of the World Bank would be German. Clinton made good on his word in July 2000 and Koch-Weser became the next President of the World Bank.
Russia:
Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov’s march to the Russian Presidency became irresistible as 2000 wore on. In his presidential campaigns, Primakov used his success in stabilizing the economy, his ambition of building a multipolar world order, and his popularity with the general Russian population to good use. While Primakov made his appeals to the public, his protégé and Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir Putin campaigned on Primakov’s behalf to Russia’s political and business elites. Putin was credited with strengthening Primakov’s position with this group as well as ensuring that President of Russia Boris Yeltstin remained comfortable and cooperative.
Primakov’s main opponents in the polls were Gennady Zyuganov of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Grigory Yavlinsky of the Yabloko Party but both were unable to overcome him. When the votes were tallied in early June 2000, Primakov got 61% of the votes, Zyuganov 24% and Yavlinsky 8% with other also-rans making up the bottom ranks of the presidential votes. Thus Primakov was elected president though some argued that he had already been the dominant political figure in Russia since the middle of 1999. Through it all however, Primakov continued to maintain a moderate tone, insisting that he only wanted a multipolar world and that it was nonsense that he wanted a new Cold War.
Meanwhile Boris Yeltsin readied himself to exit the world stage. At the G7 Summit in Japan in July 2000, Yeltsin bid farewell to Clinton hoping that “You or your successors would handle Primakov well”. Tired, unpopular, and with his health in decline, Yeltsin was ready to leave the presidency though he did not forget to ask for and receive assurance that he would not be prosecuted in retirement from the incoming government. On 9th August 2000, Primakov took his oath and became the new President of Russia.
The United States of America:
By May 2000, the Republican Party was ready to produce an opponent for the Democratic Party’s Vice President Al Gore. With Primakov marching irresistibly towards the Kremlin and the revelation, some say strategically leaked, that Governor of Texas George W. Bush had been arrested for driving under influence, Senator John McCain at last began to edge ahead. On 16th May, after a defeat at the Oregon Primaries, Bush withdrew from the presidential race, leaving McCain as the presumptive Republican Presidential Nominee.
As the Republican National Convention got closer, the question was who would McCain pick as his running mate. The answer became clear on the eve of the Republican Convention in late July 2000. There were some criterion for this running mate: the running mate would have appeal to the conservative wing of the Republican Party to supplement McCain’s moderate support base; the running mate would have some domestic policy credentials to supplement McCain’s strength in foreign policy; and the running mate would have to enjoy support within the party so that this running mate and McCain could, in the parlance of American politics, “unite the party”.
After some mediation by senior Republicans, considering that the primaries had been a long, and sometimes bitter, fight, McCain announced that he would be picking George W. Bush as his running mate. Bush immediately went on the attack. In his speech at the Republican Convention, Bush said that when his father handed over to Clinton, the Cold War was at an end. But now just as Clinton was about to hand over things, the Cold War looks like it’s about to begin again. Bush said that “This Administration and those associated with it” have got to go.
Gore had been picked as Clinton’s running mate 8 years prior in part for his foreign policy expertise so he was not caught unprepared at the way the race for the White House suddenly had a strong foreign policy dimension to it. When picking his running mate, Gore went with someone who could attempt to neutralize moderates, independents and maybe even pick some conservative votes if he was lucky. Thus, on 9th August 2000 while Primakov was sworn in as President of Russia and the ruling party in Indonesia dissolved itself, Gore picked Senator Evan Bayh as his running mate.
---
This was a tricky one to write. I still haven’t found the optimum length of time ITTL between each “The World Circa x” updates. The last big around the world trip, I wrote was to catch up on developments between 1997 and 1999 so there was something usually to be written because there’s 2 years’ worth of events to choose from. With 6-7 months’ worth of events to choose from, there wasn’t a lot to pick or one that will be noteworthy ITTL though of course there were some major developments in Russia and USA. There’ll be some chopping and changing as regards to presenting the updates of international developments ITTL. Of course, with Try being more interested in foreign policy, he’ll be encountering some more of these countries during visits, summits, etc.
OTL Germany manages to secure a German as an IMF Managing Director though it took them two attempts (The first was rejected).
The road the butterfly wings took to effect Russian and US Politics:
-Indonesia gets leniency from the IMF
-Russia sees Indonesia doing well, also asks for leniency. IMF rejects but bows down to pressure from the US and Japan.
-Prime Minister Primakov stabilizes Russian economy, doesn’t get removed, plays his cards well, gets elected president.
-US Election season becomes foreign policy heavy, George W. Bush is unprepared for this shift and gets overtaken by John McCain.
The Indonesian government continued its effort to draw investment from the oil-rich region. Its main target in the first half of 2000 was Bahrain. There was a political motivation for this. Bahrain was one of the UN Security Council Non-Permanent members which opted to ratify the Singapore Settlement. Minister of Trade Dorodjatun Kunjtoro-Jakti was dispatched with a delegation for this purpose in February 2000.
The Gulf States were being actively courted to invest in Indonesia especially to help finance infrastructure development. By August 2000, however, the most visible display of Arab investment in Try Sutrisno’s Indonesia remained the Exor II Refinery at Sorong, Irian Jaya which was a partnership between Pertamina and Saudi Arabia’s state-owned oil company, Aramco. Sorong noted an influx of foreigners from Saudi Arabia, executives and engineers alike. Arabic language hotels and restaurants began to sprout in Sorong.
Syria:
After a 29 year Presidency, President Hafez Al-Assad died in June 2000. The most notable guest in Al-Assad’s funeral was Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov of Russia. Primakov said that he would like to resume the good relations Russia enjoyed with Syria in the past. Primakov’s presence as well as his statement about “the past” prompted a stir in the international relations community with articles about the “onset of a new Cold War” becoming en vogue in the middle of 2000.
Israel:
A year after he had been elected, Prime Minister Ehud Barak made good on his promise to withdraw Israeli troops out of Southern Lebanon. But what quickly would force itself onto Barak’s agenda was Palestine. In July 2000, President Bill Clinton invited Barak and Chairman of the Palestinian Liberation Organization/President of the Palestinian National Authority Yasser Arafat to Camp David in an effort to broker an end to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. The two week summit ended in abysmal failure. Barak would later say that it was doomed from the start. Arafat never intended to get a result and Clinton was tense, in full knowledge that his legacy was rapidly becoming one where even though the American economy was in good shape, there was the specter of a resurgent Russia on the international front as he was about to leave the world stage. Back at Tel-Aviv, Barak narrowly survived a no-confidence vote in the Knesset as he was about to leave for Camp David and another one after he had returned from the failed summit.
Egypt:
“From 19th-20th June, Egypt had the honor of holding its second G-15 Summit in 3 years. At the time, President Try was dealing with the aftermath of the Slipi Agreement, the impending end of Golkar, and the passing of the various election-related laws so he could not attend. So it fell on me to attend on his behalf…
Our nation and President Try were, as President of Egypt Hosni Mubarak put it, in high demand at the Summit. In 1998 and 1999, we were a nation that was doing well in handling the Asian Financial Crisis. Now we’re the nation that had overcome the crisis. Officials were coming in from left and right to talk about our experiences. President Eduardo Duhalde of Argentina came to talk as did President Fernando Henrique Cardoso of Brazil, this despite the latter being initially suspicious of our settling of the East Timor matter. Going through their own crises, they asked us “How did you do it?”
Others wanted the interaction because having survived the Asian Financial Crisis, we’ve increased our stature. President of Algeria Abdelazis Bouteflika for example said that it was his goal to have Algeria emerge out of isolation and built relations with the world’s “foremost” nations which in his opinion, also included Indonesia” –Memoirs Of Vice President JB Sumarlin: The Cayenne Pepper Born In A Paddy Field (2012).
Nigeria:
Indonesia continued to built on its bilateral and economic relationship with Nigeria. Prior to the G-15 Summit at Egypt, Vice President JB Sumarlin and Indonesia’s delegation stopped over at Nigeria. Sumarlin was welcomed warmly by President Olesegun Obasanjo. Indonesia increasingly saw Nigeria as a market for its products and was willing to invest. After Indomie had established a factory in Nigeria, Sosro Tea (bottled tea) and Wings (consumer goods) were now also looking to invest in Nigeria. The even more interesting news was interest in having Indomie distributed in countries which neighbors Nigeria such as Benin and Cameroon.
Tanzania:
Tanzania became IMF Managing Director Michel Camdessus’ final act as his time rapidly drew to a close in February 2000. Camdessus posed for pictures with President Benjamin Nkapa. Nkapa had been successfully reforming and liberalizing the Tanzanian economy with the assistance of the IMF. Camdessus pointedly said that there was “no contradiction between economic growth and the IMF’s prescriptions. As a matter of fact, Tanzania has achieved both during Mr. Nkapa’s presidency. I think if others are unhappy, it’s just an excuse to obtain the IMF’s funds but not to play by its rules”.
Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita in a press conference said that Indonesia does not begrudge Tanzania for forging its own path to economic development but that it does have problems if nations were supposed to subscribe to policies that can lead to social unrest and worsen the economic crisis.
Netherlands:
Within Indonesia’s Department of Foreign Affairs, the decision to withdraw the Indonesian Ambassador to the Netherlands, had been dubbed as “Try and Ginandjar’s impulse decision-making”. The Navy Headquarters also joined in the internal discontent with Navy Chief of Staff Indroko saying that the state of Indonesia’s relationship with the Netherlands made it difficult for the Navy to purchase weaponry and obtain transfer of knowledge from the Dutch Navy. Try got the message; it was why he allowed the Dutch Navy to help in the aftermath of the Enggano Earthquake in June 2000 and wrote a thank you letter to Prime Minister Wim Kok.
For Kok’s part, he was also facing pressure to make amends with Indonesia from within his own governing coalition. While Kok’s own Labour Party was divided, the People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD) was more unambiguously in favor of making amends with Indonesia.
Germany:
Entering the year 2000, Chancellor Gerhard Schroder’s main agenda was to ensure the election of a German to the IMF Managing Director’s position which Camdessus was due to depart from in February 2000. Schroder had thought the puzzle pieces were falling in place. Early in January 2000, the Chancellery received a message from State Secretary Edi Sudrajat in Jakarta. The message said that Try Sutrisno was committing Indonesia to support Caio Koch-Weser, Schroder’s candidate for IMF Managing Director. Indonesia would in turn lobby the other 9 ASEAN nations to support Koch-Weser and convince Japan to withdraw its candidacy. Schroder was satisfied. He had been convinced by the unofficial envoy between Indonesia and Germany BJ Habibie that Try would make good on his word. It was just that time would be needed. Schroder was willing to give Try his time, his mind already thinking ahead. If Indonesia could bring the other 9 ASEAN Nations, Schroder could use it to shore up wavering support in Europe.
As it turned out, Indonesia was not going to be able to make good on its word. In exchange for being allowed to graduate from the IMF’s aid program without further conditions from the IMF, Indonesia had to refrain from committing or lobbying others to commit in the IMF Managing Director selection process. Clinton himself had imposed this condition on Try. There were profuse apologies issued by the Indonesian Government. Schroder wondered what would happen next.
Schroder had counted Clinton as an ideological friend but what happened next blindsided him. Minister of Finance Hans Eichel had warned Schroder that Secretary of Treasury Lawrence Summers was not going to accept Koch-Weser. Schroder didn’t believe it until Clinton gave him a call and said that the United States will fall behind Stanley Fischer. Clinton told Schroder that the IMF needed someone who will be able to enforce the IMF’s will and stand up to nations attempting to bend the IMF’s rules. Schroder protested, saying that it was tradition that the IMF’s Managing Director be European while the President of the World Bank be American. Clinton would not budge. Only persistent badgering got Clinton to back down somewhat and guarantee that in exchange for Schroder’s acceptance of Fischer, the next President of the World Bank would be German. Clinton made good on his word in July 2000 and Koch-Weser became the next President of the World Bank.
Russia:
Prime Minister Yevgeny Primakov’s march to the Russian Presidency became irresistible as 2000 wore on. In his presidential campaigns, Primakov used his success in stabilizing the economy, his ambition of building a multipolar world order, and his popularity with the general Russian population to good use. While Primakov made his appeals to the public, his protégé and Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir Putin campaigned on Primakov’s behalf to Russia’s political and business elites. Putin was credited with strengthening Primakov’s position with this group as well as ensuring that President of Russia Boris Yeltstin remained comfortable and cooperative.
Primakov’s main opponents in the polls were Gennady Zyuganov of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and Grigory Yavlinsky of the Yabloko Party but both were unable to overcome him. When the votes were tallied in early June 2000, Primakov got 61% of the votes, Zyuganov 24% and Yavlinsky 8% with other also-rans making up the bottom ranks of the presidential votes. Thus Primakov was elected president though some argued that he had already been the dominant political figure in Russia since the middle of 1999. Through it all however, Primakov continued to maintain a moderate tone, insisting that he only wanted a multipolar world and that it was nonsense that he wanted a new Cold War.
Meanwhile Boris Yeltsin readied himself to exit the world stage. At the G7 Summit in Japan in July 2000, Yeltsin bid farewell to Clinton hoping that “You or your successors would handle Primakov well”. Tired, unpopular, and with his health in decline, Yeltsin was ready to leave the presidency though he did not forget to ask for and receive assurance that he would not be prosecuted in retirement from the incoming government. On 9th August 2000, Primakov took his oath and became the new President of Russia.
The United States of America:
By May 2000, the Republican Party was ready to produce an opponent for the Democratic Party’s Vice President Al Gore. With Primakov marching irresistibly towards the Kremlin and the revelation, some say strategically leaked, that Governor of Texas George W. Bush had been arrested for driving under influence, Senator John McCain at last began to edge ahead. On 16th May, after a defeat at the Oregon Primaries, Bush withdrew from the presidential race, leaving McCain as the presumptive Republican Presidential Nominee.
As the Republican National Convention got closer, the question was who would McCain pick as his running mate. The answer became clear on the eve of the Republican Convention in late July 2000. There were some criterion for this running mate: the running mate would have appeal to the conservative wing of the Republican Party to supplement McCain’s moderate support base; the running mate would have some domestic policy credentials to supplement McCain’s strength in foreign policy; and the running mate would have to enjoy support within the party so that this running mate and McCain could, in the parlance of American politics, “unite the party”.
After some mediation by senior Republicans, considering that the primaries had been a long, and sometimes bitter, fight, McCain announced that he would be picking George W. Bush as his running mate. Bush immediately went on the attack. In his speech at the Republican Convention, Bush said that when his father handed over to Clinton, the Cold War was at an end. But now just as Clinton was about to hand over things, the Cold War looks like it’s about to begin again. Bush said that “This Administration and those associated with it” have got to go.
Gore had been picked as Clinton’s running mate 8 years prior in part for his foreign policy expertise so he was not caught unprepared at the way the race for the White House suddenly had a strong foreign policy dimension to it. When picking his running mate, Gore went with someone who could attempt to neutralize moderates, independents and maybe even pick some conservative votes if he was lucky. Thus, on 9th August 2000 while Primakov was sworn in as President of Russia and the ruling party in Indonesia dissolved itself, Gore picked Senator Evan Bayh as his running mate.
---
This was a tricky one to write. I still haven’t found the optimum length of time ITTL between each “The World Circa x” updates. The last big around the world trip, I wrote was to catch up on developments between 1997 and 1999 so there was something usually to be written because there’s 2 years’ worth of events to choose from. With 6-7 months’ worth of events to choose from, there wasn’t a lot to pick or one that will be noteworthy ITTL though of course there were some major developments in Russia and USA. There’ll be some chopping and changing as regards to presenting the updates of international developments ITTL. Of course, with Try being more interested in foreign policy, he’ll be encountering some more of these countries during visits, summits, etc.
OTL Germany manages to secure a German as an IMF Managing Director though it took them two attempts (The first was rejected).
The road the butterfly wings took to effect Russian and US Politics:
-Indonesia gets leniency from the IMF
-Russia sees Indonesia doing well, also asks for leniency. IMF rejects but bows down to pressure from the US and Japan.
-Prime Minister Primakov stabilizes Russian economy, doesn’t get removed, plays his cards well, gets elected president.
-US Election season becomes foreign policy heavy, George W. Bush is unprepared for this shift and gets overtaken by John McCain.
They do. They're not so much dormant as they are observing and trying to cope with Try taking the wind out of their sails so to speak. For an East Timor, Aceh, and Papua in an Indonesia that never experienced the worst of the Asian Financial Crisis of the revenue share for natural resources, acknowledgement of local culture, and being accorded Special Region Status is probably beyond their wildest expectations. In East Timor's case, there's also the added dynamic that P**bowo's militia's is still out and about in the hills so that for the Falantil guerillas, Try's ABRI is very much the lesser of two evils. (Remember, it was partly because Indonesia was in a bad shape economically OTL that Habibie thought it was better to let go of East Timor so as not to become an economic burden and it was as a result of East Timor successfully letting itself go that Aceh and Papua thought that this might be their chance as well.)
Of course Try's purpose of giving these provinces a lot of leeway is so that Indonesia could hold on it. His mindset is more "Let's make ourselves worthy of having these provinces continuing to be part of Indonesia" rather than "I'm eventually going to ask them if they would like to continue being part of Indonesia or not'. That said, I feel that either in ITTL Aceh, East Timor, or Papua, there's bound to be some testing of Try's boundaries. And the interesting bit will be how Try and his regime would respond.
My reading of Try and his generation of officers from OTL is that they're at once softer and more hardline than Soeharto. They're softer in that they have what it takes to think "Okay, maybe we should run East Timor more moderately" (In OTL, they actually entertained the idea of having a Special Administrative Region of East Timor). They're more hardline in that they're the guys in the field at East Timor, Aceh, and Papua enforcing Soeharto and his generation of officers' orders. If not for territorial integrity, they'd have trouble letting those 3 provinces go because they have a mindset for the fact that they fought in those 3 provinces. Try would probably be abandoned by a lot of people if he actually wants to go ahead offering East Timor or Aceh or Papua a referendum. Never say never about what might or might not happen in the future ITTL.
94: Try's Battle Formation Part I
10th August 2000:
President Try Sutrisno, Vice President JB Sumarlin, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, State Minister of National Security Soerjadi, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, and Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo met to discuss the latest happenings in international affairs such as the inauguration of the new President of Russia and the formation of both the Democratic and Republican tickets. The main topic of discussion was the ongoing hostage situation at Sipadan.
Ari Sudewo reported that the Armed Forces of the Philippines are preparing an offensive but there are information through diplomatic back channels that Leader of Libya Muammar Gaddafi is trying to insert himself into the situation as a negotiator to negotiate the release of all the hostages. Ginandjar reported that Gaddafi had made contact with both President of Philippines Joseph Estrada and Prime Minister of Malaysia Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
Wismoyo spoke up saying that Gaddafi must not be allowed to intervene because of his past, and maybe current, support for the GAM in Aceh. All in the room agreed.
“So everybody’s thinking what I’m thinking”, muttered Try “The question is still, what do we do to solve this problem? We’ve got have our own solution if we don’t want Gaddafi messing around in our backyard.”
There was silence in the room.
“Extraction”, said Edi Sudrajat.
“For the benefit of the civilians please, Mr. State Secretary”, added Sumarlin.
“We send our men in, Mr. Vice President”, explained Edi “We send them in and free the hostages.”
“Can it be done?” asked Try looking to Wiranto.
“I will look into it, Mr. President”, said Wiranto “This’ll be something Luhut will be interested in.”
11th August 2000:
Minister of Finance Mar’ie Muhammad, Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo, Minister of Trade Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti came out of a meeting with the President to announce that duties for cotton, textile related raw materials, and textile industry machines and spare parts has been lowered. Siswono said that the local textile industry is protected because these duties are being lowered for raw materials not for end products like shirts and pants. Dorodjatun added that this decision is made to support Indonesia’s capacity for economic growth.
12th August 2000:
The President held a luncheon at Bogor Presidential Palace with DPR members from the KPI Grouping. With Chairman of DPR Harmoko sitting beside him, Try spoke about the experiences of the last 21 months.
“We shouldn’t feel guilty for doing what we have done. If we had not protected ourselves with Operation Lifeboat, we wouldn’t be here having this conversation. We would all be lame ducks waiting for the “other side” to take over”, said Try.
Basofi Sudirman spoke on behalf of the DPR members. He said that all those present and those in the regions supporting Operation Lifeboat believe in the President’s leadership and that they would like to defend that leadership against those who bore the President ill will. Basofi ended his speech by unfurling a banner with the Operation Lifeboat logo. To the loud cheers of all present, Basofi said that with Golkar all those who supported the President will move forward and participate in the next elections under this banner. Try was impressed. The Operation Lifeboat logo looked good on a banner.
“What do you call yourselves in the DPR?” asked Try.
“We call ourselves the Karya Pembangunan Indonesia, Mr. President”, replied Basofi proudly.
“You’ve got to be a political party to participate in the elections, right? You better make that the Partai Karya Pembangunan Indonesia (The Indonesian Functional Development Party) then”, said Try “PKPI for short”.
14th August 2000:
An early morning meeting was convened. It was attended by Try, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Wismoyo Arismunandar, Edi, Ari Sudewo, and Wiranto. Wiranto brought along Army Chief of Staff Agum Gumelar, ABRI Chief of General Staff Luhut Panjaitan, and Chief of ABRI Intelligence Ian Santoso Perdanakusuma. Luhut said an extraction could be done but it would require the cooperation of the Filipino and Malaysian Governments. Try instructs Ginandjar, Wismoyo, and Wiranto to ensure that cooperation was forthcoming by contacting their Filipino and Malaysian counterparts.
15th August 2000:
The President presided over the annual ceremony to give honors to the nation’s best sons and daughters.
When the ceremony was over, he met with Harmoko where the latter officially handed him the invitation to deliver the State Address in front of the DPR tomorrow. Harmoko also handed what he called a “census” of the DPR membership as it stands. The following numbers were found:
DPR seats allocation prior to Golkar’s ceasing to operate:
Golkar: 325 seats
PPP: 89 seats
PDI: 11 seats
ABRI: 75 seats
DPR seats allocation after Golkar has ceased to operate:
KPI: 216 seats
KPB: 109 seats
PPP: 89 seats
PDI: 11 seats
ABRI: 75 seats
DPR seats based on who supports Try and who supports Tutut:
Try: 340 seats (216 KPI seats + 49 PPP seats + 75 ABRI seats)
Tutut: 160 seats (109 KPB seats + 40 PPP seats + 11 PDI seats)
16th August 2000:
Excerpts from the President’s State Address to the DPR:
“Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.
Mr. Chairman, Honorable Vice Chairmen, Honorable members of the DPR, and fellow Indonesians,
We stand here today not only on the eve of the 55th Anniversary of this nation’s independence but also at the beginning of a new century. It is a point in time from which we can take stock of what had already happened, note what is already happening, and try to anticipate what will happen in the future…
Election Laws:
The Government believes deeply in political stability and that one indicator of that stability is the conduct of the nation’s political purposes. For this reason, I would ike to extend my thanks to the DPR for passage of the Elections Law; The Composition and Status of the MPR, DPR, and DPRD Law; and The Political Parties Law as it provides the legal basis for the government to hold elections. God willing, it is the intention of the government to hold the next legislative elections by the middle of 2002 or 5 years since the last elections in 1997.
These three laws reflect the principle held by this Government on matters relating to our political system. That while we would not allow our political system to stagnate, we do not believe in change for change’s sake.
The same principle applies in regional autonomy. The Government has refreshed the central government’s relationship with the provinces, regencies, and municipalities without altering our nation’s nature as a unitary state.
Golkar:
Mr. Chairman, today I signed a Presidential Decision which gave acceptance to the request made by Golkar that it no longer operate as an organization. This Presidential Decision ratifies the Slipi Agreement and adds to it further regulations stating that Golkar will no longer participate in future elections and no individual or organization may run for DPR or DPRD under the name of Golkar.
…speaking here in front of you honorable DPR members, I would like to acknowledge the contribution made by Golkar in this nation’s journey whilst at the same time reminding those that Golkar, as all political parties, are temporary and will come and go. The only things that last forever in our nation’s journey are Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, and the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia.
Economy:
…the end of the Asian Financial Crisis in Indonesia is one reason why we should all be proud of ourselves as a nation this Independence Day. Our economy is growing strong and we are set to have a strong year this year.
Honorable members, 3 years ago the late President Soeharto signed Presidential Decision Number 47 of 1997. It was a Presidential Decision which suspended and delayed a long list of government projects due to the Asian Financial Crisis which struck our region and our nation. As our economy have recovered, I have gradually announced which suspended and/or delayed projects which I have given permission to continue.
Today I announce that government projects still suspended or delayed under Presidential Decision Number 47 of 1997 will now be put under a 1 month review process led by the Vice President. At the end of that 1 month review period I will revoke Presidential Decision Number 47 of 1997. Let there be no more doubt that the Asian Financial Crisis is finished in Indonesia!
… May the Grace of God be upon us on this the 55th Anniversary of our Nation’s Independence.
Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.”
17th August 2000:
The President today led the nation as it commemorated the 55th Anniversary of the Proclamation of Independence. Those in attendance remarked that there was no longer doubting Try’s “presidential aura” as he stood and saluted the red and white flag as it was being raised to the tunes of “Indonesia Raya”.
The nation’s political elite was there but Try retreated behind closed doors. Accompanied by Edi Sudrajat and Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Try met with Ambassador to Malaysia Arief Koeshariadi and Ambassador to the Philippines Arie J. Kumaat. The two ambassadors reported that Malaysia and the Philippines were willing to cooperate. Kumaat said that Estrada is preparing an offensive due in September to free the hostages and agrees with Try that he does not want Gaddafi’s intervention. Arief reported that Badawi needs time to reject Gaddafi’s offer and asks for time until after Malaysia’s National Day on 31st August.
“This hostage matter complicates things doesn’t it, Mr. President?” asked Edi after Ginandjar and the two ambassadors had left.
“How so?” asked Try.
“You’ve been talking about setting up your battle formation for the second half of your term for 2-3 months now”, said Edi
"Can it still be delayed?" asked Try.
“I don't think so, Sir", said Edi "You’re at the halfway point of your term next month.”
18th August 2000:
Edi Sudrajat and Minister of Civil Service Reform Kuntoro Mangkusubroto emerged out of a meeting with President Try. They held a press conference to talk about the status of the various Non-Departmental Government Agencies. The two announced that in accordance with the President’s priorities, there will be some restructuring in terms of which agencies will be responsible to the President and which ones will revert to being responsible to a minister.
*The BMG, LAPAN, and LIPI will revert to being responsible to the State Minister of Research and Technology.
*The Basarnas will revert to being responsible to the Minister of Transportation.
*The ANRI will revert to being responsible to the Cabinet Secretary.
*The Lemsaneg will revert to being responsible to the Chief of BAKIN
There will also be 2 new agencies created out of two offices existing within the State Secretariat:
*The National Narcotics Coordinating Agency (BKNN)
*The National Disaster Management Agency (BNPB)
After lunch, the President summoned Wiranto and Agum Gumelar to the Presidential Palace. Agum was the first to emerge out of the meeting. When asked by the press, Agum explained that he came out of the meeting early because his part in the meeting was over and that he needs to begin clearing out his office. This caused the media throng to go into a frenzy as Agum smiled his way through questions about whether he has been discharged as Army Chief of Staff.
Not long thereafter, Wiranto came out. He announced that the President has used his prerogative as Supreme Commander of ABRI to discharge Agum Gumelar as Army Chief of Staff. When asked who will be the next Army Chief of Staff, Wiranto only replied that that will be the President’s prerogative as well.
Try and Edi watched as Wiranto negotiated his way into his car.
“As expected, he’s recommending either Djamari or Djaja for Army Chief of Staff”, said Try about the Deputy Army Chief of Staff and the Commander of Kostrad “They’re both his guys after all.”
Edi nodded thoughtfully.
“What about you? You’ve got any input” asked Try with a smile that said he knew what Edi was about to say.
"Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono", said Edi "And if you don’t believe me, you can ask Wismoyo as well, Mr. President."
19th August 2000:
Edi Sudrajat held another press conference for the second day in the row. This lazy Saturday morning, he introduced two new additions to the State Secretariat in Maj. Gen. Sudrajat as the new Military Secretary and Maj. Gen. Ismet Herdi as the new Presidential Secretary.
The media’s attention, however, was still focused on who would be the Army Chief of Staff. ABRI Chief of Socio-Political Affairs Staff Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono appeared on Anteve saying that he’s ready to be assigned wherever he is assigned. Other officers in contention were more quiet about the issue though they privately lobbied.
Lunch saw the President invite members of his Pancasila Coalition for lunch. Harmoko was joined by Wahono, Chairman of NU Abdurrahman Wahid, Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais, Chairman of ICMI BJ Habibie, and Chairman of PPP Matori Abdul Djalil. They came out all smiles. When asked if Agum Gumelar’s discharge and the appointment of a new Military Secretary and Presidential Secretary a prelude to a “wider personnel change in the government”, Wahid categorically denied it.
“The President’s a far more patient man than I. If it were me, I’d probably have reshuffled the cabinet half a dozen times already by now”, said Wahid before he and the other members of the coalition walked away to questions about who would be the Army Chief of Staff.
The President ended the day meeting with the Four Horsemen. It was here that the bulk of Try’s “Battle Formation” was finalized.
“This is it, Mr. President”, said Edi when the names had been agreed to “The personnel that will help you and your cabinet deliver on your agenda in the lead up to the 2002 Elections. “
“The 2002 Elections and beyond to the 2003 MPR Session”, added Harsudiono ominously “You’d need a good record over the entire 5 years if you were to…”
“Enough of that for now”, interrupted Try “I’ll get to that question,when it’s time to get to that question.”
“Are we closer to a new Army Chief of Staff, Mr. President?” asked Sugeng Subroto.
“Pretty tricky”, said Try “Last time around, my position’s not consolidated to the extent that it is now and Agum Gumelar was the obvious choice. This time round though, I’m not short on candidates. Wiranto alone has 3 guys in the Army Chief of Staff’s race. There’s Bambang, Luhut, not to mention all kinds of possible compromise candidates.”
“Amien Rais is in favor of Bambang”, interrupted Edi.
“Yeah, that would be why Bambang was so keen to help with Amien’s re-election as Chairman of Muhammadiyah last month”, muttered Try “So that when situations like this happen, he’s got another person putting in a good word for him.”
“Look, I worked with Bambang on the Election Laws. He’s intelligent, he knows his stuff, I just think he enjoys interacting with DPR members from the other side and even people not too friendly towards this government a little too much”, said Harsudiono.
“That’s unfair, Harsudiono”, said Edi “You were ABRI Chief of Social-Political Affairs, you’d know that interacting with people in the political scene is part of the job.”
“I know, but if Bambang becomes Army Chief of Staff, he’d be acceptable to the likes to Prabowo Subianto, Kivlan Zen, Muchdi PR, Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin”, argued Harsudiono “I respect that you’re defending a former subordinate, Edi, but we’re talking about the President’s battle formation for the remainder of his term. We don’t need anyone with the possibility of becoming ambiguous in their loyalties.”
Edi kept his mouth shut, trying to accept what was being said.
“What about Ryamizard, Mr. President?” suggested Ari Sudewo “Or perhaps TB Hasanuddin.”
“Ryamizard would also be acceptable to Prabowo, they're close classmates”, replied Try “That and I don’t want to piss off the officer corps by having my son-in-law become Army Chief of Staff.”
“And TB Hasanuddin?” asked Ari referring to the current Commander of the Jakarta Military Region.
“He’ll be part of the equation for Army Chief of Staff”, said Try “Just not this time”.
There was silence in the room.
“If you want someone hostile to the other side, perhaps you’d consider Endriartono, Mr. President” suggested Sugeng “He did a good job checking Prabowo’s influence when the latter was Governor of Central Java.”
There was a murmur of approval from Edi for the former Commander of the Presidential Bodyguard though Harsudiono and Ari scrunched their brows.
“Endriartono’s good but he’s not too political”, said Ari with Harsudiono nodding behind him "The best option would be someone who's hostile to the other side and and has a political mind."
The meeting broke up without any decision on who the next Army Chief of Staff should be.
20th August 2000:
Try was in a good mood as his daughter Nora, son-in-law Ryamizard Ryacudu, and their children came to the Presidential Palace to spend their Sunday. Try and Ryamizard had an unspoken agreement that they would avoid talking about politics and military affairs but Ryamizard seemed agitated that Try could not help but ask what was going on. Ryamizard said that Yudhoyono’s been visiting his office a lot recently to talk about his vision for the Army.
“I never really liked the guy”, said Ryamizard “But what really underlined it was when he said that if he were Army Chief of Staff, he would recommend me to be his Deputy Army Chief of Staff.”
Try nodded his head. He mentally removed Yudhoyono from his shortlist of Army Chief of Staff candidates. He was not going to stand for an officer using and or lobbying people in his circle so that he could get a high rank.
---
Voila ladies and gentleman, Try’s political party will be the PKPI. In OTL, PKPI stands for Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia (The Indonesian Justice and Unity Party). ITTL, PKPI stands for Partai Karya Pembangunan Indonesia (The Indonesian Functional Development Party) because so its links to Golkar is evident in the name. Two of the people who participated in the formation of OTL PKPI were none other than Try Sutrisno and Edi Sudrajat.
OTL, Muammar Gaddafi did help negotiate the freedom of some of the hostages at Sipadan. This hostage situation is very much a case of something OTL happening ITTL but adjusted to fit ITTL’s circumstances.
ITTL Yudhoyono is not close to Try but he’s managed to gain his prominent position because he has Edi Sudrajat willing to put in a good word for him. In ITTL, Yudhoyono’s managed to hold on to his position as ABRI Chief of Socio-Political Affairs a lot longer than his OTL counterpart. In OTL, Yudhoyono was already Coordinating Minister of Politics and Security by August 2000.
President Try Sutrisno, Vice President JB Sumarlin, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, State Minister of National Security Soerjadi, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, and Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo met to discuss the latest happenings in international affairs such as the inauguration of the new President of Russia and the formation of both the Democratic and Republican tickets. The main topic of discussion was the ongoing hostage situation at Sipadan.
Ari Sudewo reported that the Armed Forces of the Philippines are preparing an offensive but there are information through diplomatic back channels that Leader of Libya Muammar Gaddafi is trying to insert himself into the situation as a negotiator to negotiate the release of all the hostages. Ginandjar reported that Gaddafi had made contact with both President of Philippines Joseph Estrada and Prime Minister of Malaysia Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.
Wismoyo spoke up saying that Gaddafi must not be allowed to intervene because of his past, and maybe current, support for the GAM in Aceh. All in the room agreed.
“So everybody’s thinking what I’m thinking”, muttered Try “The question is still, what do we do to solve this problem? We’ve got have our own solution if we don’t want Gaddafi messing around in our backyard.”
There was silence in the room.
“Extraction”, said Edi Sudrajat.
“For the benefit of the civilians please, Mr. State Secretary”, added Sumarlin.
“We send our men in, Mr. Vice President”, explained Edi “We send them in and free the hostages.”
“Can it be done?” asked Try looking to Wiranto.
“I will look into it, Mr. President”, said Wiranto “This’ll be something Luhut will be interested in.”
11th August 2000:
Minister of Finance Mar’ie Muhammad, Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo, Minister of Trade Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti came out of a meeting with the President to announce that duties for cotton, textile related raw materials, and textile industry machines and spare parts has been lowered. Siswono said that the local textile industry is protected because these duties are being lowered for raw materials not for end products like shirts and pants. Dorodjatun added that this decision is made to support Indonesia’s capacity for economic growth.
12th August 2000:
The President held a luncheon at Bogor Presidential Palace with DPR members from the KPI Grouping. With Chairman of DPR Harmoko sitting beside him, Try spoke about the experiences of the last 21 months.
“We shouldn’t feel guilty for doing what we have done. If we had not protected ourselves with Operation Lifeboat, we wouldn’t be here having this conversation. We would all be lame ducks waiting for the “other side” to take over”, said Try.
Basofi Sudirman spoke on behalf of the DPR members. He said that all those present and those in the regions supporting Operation Lifeboat believe in the President’s leadership and that they would like to defend that leadership against those who bore the President ill will. Basofi ended his speech by unfurling a banner with the Operation Lifeboat logo. To the loud cheers of all present, Basofi said that with Golkar all those who supported the President will move forward and participate in the next elections under this banner. Try was impressed. The Operation Lifeboat logo looked good on a banner.
“What do you call yourselves in the DPR?” asked Try.
“We call ourselves the Karya Pembangunan Indonesia, Mr. President”, replied Basofi proudly.
“You’ve got to be a political party to participate in the elections, right? You better make that the Partai Karya Pembangunan Indonesia (The Indonesian Functional Development Party) then”, said Try “PKPI for short”.
14th August 2000:
An early morning meeting was convened. It was attended by Try, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Wismoyo Arismunandar, Edi, Ari Sudewo, and Wiranto. Wiranto brought along Army Chief of Staff Agum Gumelar, ABRI Chief of General Staff Luhut Panjaitan, and Chief of ABRI Intelligence Ian Santoso Perdanakusuma. Luhut said an extraction could be done but it would require the cooperation of the Filipino and Malaysian Governments. Try instructs Ginandjar, Wismoyo, and Wiranto to ensure that cooperation was forthcoming by contacting their Filipino and Malaysian counterparts.
15th August 2000:
The President presided over the annual ceremony to give honors to the nation’s best sons and daughters.
When the ceremony was over, he met with Harmoko where the latter officially handed him the invitation to deliver the State Address in front of the DPR tomorrow. Harmoko also handed what he called a “census” of the DPR membership as it stands. The following numbers were found:
DPR seats allocation prior to Golkar’s ceasing to operate:
Golkar: 325 seats
PPP: 89 seats
PDI: 11 seats
ABRI: 75 seats
DPR seats allocation after Golkar has ceased to operate:
KPI: 216 seats
KPB: 109 seats
PPP: 89 seats
PDI: 11 seats
ABRI: 75 seats
DPR seats based on who supports Try and who supports Tutut:
Try: 340 seats (216 KPI seats + 49 PPP seats + 75 ABRI seats)
Tutut: 160 seats (109 KPB seats + 40 PPP seats + 11 PDI seats)
16th August 2000:
Excerpts from the President’s State Address to the DPR:
“Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.
Mr. Chairman, Honorable Vice Chairmen, Honorable members of the DPR, and fellow Indonesians,
We stand here today not only on the eve of the 55th Anniversary of this nation’s independence but also at the beginning of a new century. It is a point in time from which we can take stock of what had already happened, note what is already happening, and try to anticipate what will happen in the future…
Election Laws:
The Government believes deeply in political stability and that one indicator of that stability is the conduct of the nation’s political purposes. For this reason, I would ike to extend my thanks to the DPR for passage of the Elections Law; The Composition and Status of the MPR, DPR, and DPRD Law; and The Political Parties Law as it provides the legal basis for the government to hold elections. God willing, it is the intention of the government to hold the next legislative elections by the middle of 2002 or 5 years since the last elections in 1997.
These three laws reflect the principle held by this Government on matters relating to our political system. That while we would not allow our political system to stagnate, we do not believe in change for change’s sake.
The same principle applies in regional autonomy. The Government has refreshed the central government’s relationship with the provinces, regencies, and municipalities without altering our nation’s nature as a unitary state.
Golkar:
Mr. Chairman, today I signed a Presidential Decision which gave acceptance to the request made by Golkar that it no longer operate as an organization. This Presidential Decision ratifies the Slipi Agreement and adds to it further regulations stating that Golkar will no longer participate in future elections and no individual or organization may run for DPR or DPRD under the name of Golkar.
…speaking here in front of you honorable DPR members, I would like to acknowledge the contribution made by Golkar in this nation’s journey whilst at the same time reminding those that Golkar, as all political parties, are temporary and will come and go. The only things that last forever in our nation’s journey are Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution, and the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia.
Economy:
…the end of the Asian Financial Crisis in Indonesia is one reason why we should all be proud of ourselves as a nation this Independence Day. Our economy is growing strong and we are set to have a strong year this year.
Honorable members, 3 years ago the late President Soeharto signed Presidential Decision Number 47 of 1997. It was a Presidential Decision which suspended and delayed a long list of government projects due to the Asian Financial Crisis which struck our region and our nation. As our economy have recovered, I have gradually announced which suspended and/or delayed projects which I have given permission to continue.
Today I announce that government projects still suspended or delayed under Presidential Decision Number 47 of 1997 will now be put under a 1 month review process led by the Vice President. At the end of that 1 month review period I will revoke Presidential Decision Number 47 of 1997. Let there be no more doubt that the Asian Financial Crisis is finished in Indonesia!
… May the Grace of God be upon us on this the 55th Anniversary of our Nation’s Independence.
Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.”
17th August 2000:
The President today led the nation as it commemorated the 55th Anniversary of the Proclamation of Independence. Those in attendance remarked that there was no longer doubting Try’s “presidential aura” as he stood and saluted the red and white flag as it was being raised to the tunes of “Indonesia Raya”.
The nation’s political elite was there but Try retreated behind closed doors. Accompanied by Edi Sudrajat and Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Try met with Ambassador to Malaysia Arief Koeshariadi and Ambassador to the Philippines Arie J. Kumaat. The two ambassadors reported that Malaysia and the Philippines were willing to cooperate. Kumaat said that Estrada is preparing an offensive due in September to free the hostages and agrees with Try that he does not want Gaddafi’s intervention. Arief reported that Badawi needs time to reject Gaddafi’s offer and asks for time until after Malaysia’s National Day on 31st August.
“This hostage matter complicates things doesn’t it, Mr. President?” asked Edi after Ginandjar and the two ambassadors had left.
“How so?” asked Try.
“You’ve been talking about setting up your battle formation for the second half of your term for 2-3 months now”, said Edi
"Can it still be delayed?" asked Try.
“I don't think so, Sir", said Edi "You’re at the halfway point of your term next month.”
18th August 2000:
Edi Sudrajat and Minister of Civil Service Reform Kuntoro Mangkusubroto emerged out of a meeting with President Try. They held a press conference to talk about the status of the various Non-Departmental Government Agencies. The two announced that in accordance with the President’s priorities, there will be some restructuring in terms of which agencies will be responsible to the President and which ones will revert to being responsible to a minister.
*The BMG, LAPAN, and LIPI will revert to being responsible to the State Minister of Research and Technology.
*The Basarnas will revert to being responsible to the Minister of Transportation.
*The ANRI will revert to being responsible to the Cabinet Secretary.
*The Lemsaneg will revert to being responsible to the Chief of BAKIN
There will also be 2 new agencies created out of two offices existing within the State Secretariat:
*The National Narcotics Coordinating Agency (BKNN)
*The National Disaster Management Agency (BNPB)
After lunch, the President summoned Wiranto and Agum Gumelar to the Presidential Palace. Agum was the first to emerge out of the meeting. When asked by the press, Agum explained that he came out of the meeting early because his part in the meeting was over and that he needs to begin clearing out his office. This caused the media throng to go into a frenzy as Agum smiled his way through questions about whether he has been discharged as Army Chief of Staff.
Not long thereafter, Wiranto came out. He announced that the President has used his prerogative as Supreme Commander of ABRI to discharge Agum Gumelar as Army Chief of Staff. When asked who will be the next Army Chief of Staff, Wiranto only replied that that will be the President’s prerogative as well.
Try and Edi watched as Wiranto negotiated his way into his car.
“As expected, he’s recommending either Djamari or Djaja for Army Chief of Staff”, said Try about the Deputy Army Chief of Staff and the Commander of Kostrad “They’re both his guys after all.”
Edi nodded thoughtfully.
“What about you? You’ve got any input” asked Try with a smile that said he knew what Edi was about to say.
"Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono", said Edi "And if you don’t believe me, you can ask Wismoyo as well, Mr. President."
19th August 2000:
Edi Sudrajat held another press conference for the second day in the row. This lazy Saturday morning, he introduced two new additions to the State Secretariat in Maj. Gen. Sudrajat as the new Military Secretary and Maj. Gen. Ismet Herdi as the new Presidential Secretary.
The media’s attention, however, was still focused on who would be the Army Chief of Staff. ABRI Chief of Socio-Political Affairs Staff Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono appeared on Anteve saying that he’s ready to be assigned wherever he is assigned. Other officers in contention were more quiet about the issue though they privately lobbied.
Lunch saw the President invite members of his Pancasila Coalition for lunch. Harmoko was joined by Wahono, Chairman of NU Abdurrahman Wahid, Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais, Chairman of ICMI BJ Habibie, and Chairman of PPP Matori Abdul Djalil. They came out all smiles. When asked if Agum Gumelar’s discharge and the appointment of a new Military Secretary and Presidential Secretary a prelude to a “wider personnel change in the government”, Wahid categorically denied it.
“The President’s a far more patient man than I. If it were me, I’d probably have reshuffled the cabinet half a dozen times already by now”, said Wahid before he and the other members of the coalition walked away to questions about who would be the Army Chief of Staff.
The President ended the day meeting with the Four Horsemen. It was here that the bulk of Try’s “Battle Formation” was finalized.
“This is it, Mr. President”, said Edi when the names had been agreed to “The personnel that will help you and your cabinet deliver on your agenda in the lead up to the 2002 Elections. “
“The 2002 Elections and beyond to the 2003 MPR Session”, added Harsudiono ominously “You’d need a good record over the entire 5 years if you were to…”
“Enough of that for now”, interrupted Try “I’ll get to that question,when it’s time to get to that question.”
“Are we closer to a new Army Chief of Staff, Mr. President?” asked Sugeng Subroto.
“Pretty tricky”, said Try “Last time around, my position’s not consolidated to the extent that it is now and Agum Gumelar was the obvious choice. This time round though, I’m not short on candidates. Wiranto alone has 3 guys in the Army Chief of Staff’s race. There’s Bambang, Luhut, not to mention all kinds of possible compromise candidates.”
“Amien Rais is in favor of Bambang”, interrupted Edi.
“Yeah, that would be why Bambang was so keen to help with Amien’s re-election as Chairman of Muhammadiyah last month”, muttered Try “So that when situations like this happen, he’s got another person putting in a good word for him.”
“Look, I worked with Bambang on the Election Laws. He’s intelligent, he knows his stuff, I just think he enjoys interacting with DPR members from the other side and even people not too friendly towards this government a little too much”, said Harsudiono.
“That’s unfair, Harsudiono”, said Edi “You were ABRI Chief of Social-Political Affairs, you’d know that interacting with people in the political scene is part of the job.”
“I know, but if Bambang becomes Army Chief of Staff, he’d be acceptable to the likes to Prabowo Subianto, Kivlan Zen, Muchdi PR, Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin”, argued Harsudiono “I respect that you’re defending a former subordinate, Edi, but we’re talking about the President’s battle formation for the remainder of his term. We don’t need anyone with the possibility of becoming ambiguous in their loyalties.”
Edi kept his mouth shut, trying to accept what was being said.
“What about Ryamizard, Mr. President?” suggested Ari Sudewo “Or perhaps TB Hasanuddin.”
“Ryamizard would also be acceptable to Prabowo, they're close classmates”, replied Try “That and I don’t want to piss off the officer corps by having my son-in-law become Army Chief of Staff.”
“And TB Hasanuddin?” asked Ari referring to the current Commander of the Jakarta Military Region.
“He’ll be part of the equation for Army Chief of Staff”, said Try “Just not this time”.
There was silence in the room.
“If you want someone hostile to the other side, perhaps you’d consider Endriartono, Mr. President” suggested Sugeng “He did a good job checking Prabowo’s influence when the latter was Governor of Central Java.”
There was a murmur of approval from Edi for the former Commander of the Presidential Bodyguard though Harsudiono and Ari scrunched their brows.
“Endriartono’s good but he’s not too political”, said Ari with Harsudiono nodding behind him "The best option would be someone who's hostile to the other side and and has a political mind."
The meeting broke up without any decision on who the next Army Chief of Staff should be.
20th August 2000:
Try was in a good mood as his daughter Nora, son-in-law Ryamizard Ryacudu, and their children came to the Presidential Palace to spend their Sunday. Try and Ryamizard had an unspoken agreement that they would avoid talking about politics and military affairs but Ryamizard seemed agitated that Try could not help but ask what was going on. Ryamizard said that Yudhoyono’s been visiting his office a lot recently to talk about his vision for the Army.
“I never really liked the guy”, said Ryamizard “But what really underlined it was when he said that if he were Army Chief of Staff, he would recommend me to be his Deputy Army Chief of Staff.”
Try nodded his head. He mentally removed Yudhoyono from his shortlist of Army Chief of Staff candidates. He was not going to stand for an officer using and or lobbying people in his circle so that he could get a high rank.
---
Voila ladies and gentleman, Try’s political party will be the PKPI. In OTL, PKPI stands for Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia (The Indonesian Justice and Unity Party). ITTL, PKPI stands for Partai Karya Pembangunan Indonesia (The Indonesian Functional Development Party) because so its links to Golkar is evident in the name. Two of the people who participated in the formation of OTL PKPI were none other than Try Sutrisno and Edi Sudrajat.
OTL, Muammar Gaddafi did help negotiate the freedom of some of the hostages at Sipadan. This hostage situation is very much a case of something OTL happening ITTL but adjusted to fit ITTL’s circumstances.
ITTL Yudhoyono is not close to Try but he’s managed to gain his prominent position because he has Edi Sudrajat willing to put in a good word for him. In ITTL, Yudhoyono’s managed to hold on to his position as ABRI Chief of Socio-Political Affairs a lot longer than his OTL counterpart. In OTL, Yudhoyono was already Coordinating Minister of Politics and Security by August 2000.
Hmm the ICJ awarded sipadan ligitan to malaysia in 2002, wonder if the extraction would shift opinions and deliberations to indo...
One thing’s for sure, ITTL Indonesia is more confident in foreign affairs as a result of being able to get out of the Asian Financial Crisis. It also has 3 decades of Soeharto’s commitment to ASEAN to build upon.
OTL, the extended effects of the Asian Financial Crisis and political instability meant that Indonesia faded away a bit from its first among equals role in Southeast Asia.
95: Try's Battle Formation Part II
21st August 2000:
The President’s schedule that morning was to be a meeting with Vice President JB Sumarlin, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman, and Assistant Vice Presidential Secretary for Economics Sri Mulyani Indrawati. Hayono and Sri Mulyani emerged out of the meeting together. All the journalists gathered thought they were announcing a policy together. Instead, Hayono announced that Sri Mulyani had just been appointed as Deputy Cabinet Secretary. The Deputy Cabinet Secretary’s responsibility will be to be the State Secretariat’s woman on budgetary and economic planning issues from formulation to implementation. She will sit in on meetings across the government on the aforementioned issues and be the State Secretariat’s representative.
But to the surprise of the nation’s television networks and newspapers, Sri Mulyani’s was not the only personnel shift in the government that day. Elsewhere, Junior Minister of Housing Enggartiasto Lukita announced that Dr. Ir. Basuki Hadimuljono of the Department of Public Works has been appointed CEO of Perumnas, the state-owned housing development enterprise. At Bulog’s headquarters, news was beginning to spread that Head of Bulog I Gede Awet Sara was beginning to pack his office.
At the DPR Building, the PKPI Members held an internal meeting. When they came out, they announced that Irsyad Sudiro had resigned as the Leader of the PKPI in the DPR and that Basofi Sudirman had been unanimously elected by PKPI members in the DPR. Chairman of DPR Harmoko confirmed the changes saying that Irsyad Sudiro will take on a responsibility in the executive branch in the government but that it will be the President’s prerogative on what position Irsyad would assume.
Back at the Presidential Palace, the President met separately with Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo and Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita. While Sarwono, Siswono, and Meutia had relatively short meetings, Ginandjar’s went on for some time. So much so that when the latter came out, he joked that “It’s okay, I haven’t been removed yet.”
Try watched Ginandjar on television as he had his lunch with Edi and Sugeng Subroto.
“All the others weren’t complaining about the changes you’re making to their authorities, Mr. President”, said Edi.
“That’s because all the others had their authorities strengthened whereas Ginandjar is somewhat correct for feeling insecure about his”, said Sugeng Subroto.
“I’ll do what it takes to keep him happy”, added Try “I like him as Minister of Foreign Affairs and want to keep him there. I just want a specialized set of eyes for all ASEAN matters.”
After lunch, Edi Sudrajat gathered all of the appointments Try intended to make to the government from the military ranks while Hayono Isman gathered all of the appointments from the civilian ranks. Try met with the civilan batch first and then the military ones, announcing to them one by one what their appointments would be and how their appointments would fit into the government’s overall scheme.
At mid-afternoon, Commander of ABRI Wiranto arrived. He saluted Try and then sat down.
“If I were the other side, I would be caught flatfooted, Mr. President”, complimented Wiranto.
“I haven’t named the Army Chief of Staff yet”, said Try.
The two sat down together, going over a list of names of candidates for Army Chief of Staff. After Wiranto had gone through the short list, Try thought things over for a while. Wiranto looked relieved when Try said that the new Army Chief of Staff would not be Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono but that it won’t be Djamari Chaniago or Djaja Suparman, who Wiranto had hoped, either. When Try named the new Army Chief of Staff, Wiranto nodded his head and thought for a while but then found the name to be agreeable and acceptable to him.
It was 7 PM when the President appeared in front of the cameras accompanied by Vice President JB Sumarlin.
“Tonight, I will be announcing personnel changes to improve the government’s capacity to deliver on its mandate for the remainder of the term”, he announced.
The personnel changes, including the appointments announced last Saturday, were as follows:
Within the State Secretariat:
*Maj. Gen. Sudrajat as Military Secretary (Presently ABRI Assistant of Functional Affairs, was Benny Moerdani’s secretary when the latter was Commander of ABRI. Replaces Mardiyanto.)
*Maj. Gen. Ismet Herdi as Presidential Secretary (Presently ABRI Chief of Information, was the Assistant for Mass Media and Communications at the Vice President’s Office during Try’s Vice Presidency. Replaces the retiring Soedjoko.)
*Sri Mulyani Indrawati S.E., M.Sc., Ph.d a Deputy Cabinet Secretary (Presently Assistant for Economic and Financial Affairs at the Vice President’s Office. New Position.)
*Brig. Gen. Kartini Hermanus as Secretary to the First Lady (Presently Director of Education at the Army Women’s Corps. Replaces Linda Agum Gumelar.)
*Baharuddin Lopa SH as an Inspector General of Development (Presently Secretary of the Department of Legal Affairs. Replaces Usman Hasan.)
*Lt. Gen. (Ret.) Sintong Panjaitan as an Inspector General of Development (Presently Chairman of the BPIS. BPIS to be absorbed by the Department of Industry).
*Irsyad Sudiro as an Inspector General Development (Freshly resigned as Leader of the PKPI in the DPR. Additional Inspector General of Development slot).
Government Agencies:
*Lt. Gen. (Pol.) Roesmahadi as Head of the BKNN (Presently Commander of the ABRI Staff and Command College)
*Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Yusman Yutam as Head of the BNPB (Summoned from retirement, BNPB a new agency)
*Ir. Ardiansyah Parman as Head of the BSN (Presently Director of Electronics at the Department of Industry, replaces Sudharmono ally Bakir Hasan)
*Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Adang Ruchiatna as Head of Bulog (Summoned from retirement, replaces I Gede Awet Sara)
*Ir. Usman Hasan as the Mass Guidance (Bimas) Control Secretary (Agency semi-independent of the Department of Agriculture. Formerly held by the Secretary of the Department of Agriculture on an ex-officio basis but this time held by a Presidential appointee on a full-time basis).
*Maj. Gen. Farid Zainuddin as Deputy Chief of BAKIN (presently without assignment at the Army Headquarters. Fills in a vacant position).
Ambassadors:
*Gen. Agum Gumelar as Ambassador to China (Presently Army Chief of Staff)
*Lt. Gen. (Ret.) I Gede Awet Sara as Ambassador to ASEAN (Presently Head of Bulog. President proposed that his status be Special Envoy but the Minister of Foreign Affairs prevailed on him that his status should be ambassador to prevent ‘confusion’.
State-Owned Enterprises:
*Ir. Basuki Hadimuljono as CEO of Perumnas (Presently a bureaucrat at the Department of Public Works)
Military:
*Lt. Gen. Luhut Panjaitan as Army Chief of Staff (Presently ABRI Chief of General Staff)
22nd August 2000:
Presiden Try today swore in all 17 of the appointees he announced the previous night in a ceremony at the Presidential Palace. In a short ceremony afterwards, the President officially promoted Luhut Panjaitan to the rank of general.
The press, the think-tanks, and the diplomatic corps had a field day with analysis of the events. The Jakartan press corps, always quite creative when it comes to this sort of thing, has referred to the 15 appointments made by Try as the “Sub-Cabinet Reshuffle” in reference to the fact that there have been personnel changes in some of the more important offices in government though none of these changes had occurred in the cabinet.
23rd August 2000:
ABRI Headquarters today announced that the President had approved of a command shuffle in light of Luhut Panjaitan’s appointment as Army Chief of Staff. The highlights are as follows:
-Lt. Gen. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will take over Luhut’s old post as ABRI Chief of General Staff.
-Maj. Gen. Agus Wirahadikusumah will be promoted to lieutenant general and appointed as ABRI Chief of Social-Political Affairs Staff. Both Agus and Yudhoyono’s appointments to these two key positions at ABRI Headquarters reflect a desire by the President to have “intellectual muscle” on board as ABRI charts its course for the future.
-Yudhoyono classmate Maj. Gen. Cornel Simbolon assumes command over Kostrad’s 1st Infantry Division and Yudhoyono brother-in-law Erwin Sudjono is promoted to brigadier general and appointed Commander of the Aceh Operations Command. Both appointments are seen as consolation prices for Yudhoyono.
-Wirantoites Djamari Chaniago and Djaja Suparman remain at their respective posts as Deputy Army Chief of Staff and Commander of Kostrad.
During the day, Ginandjar Kartasasmita reported to Try that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi of Malaysia has officially rejected the offer of Libyan Leader Muammar Qaddafi to intervene in the Sipadan hostage situation.
24th August 2000:
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Albert Hasibuan and Minister of Legal Affairs Marzuki Darusman introduced a new Judicial Authority Bill. The bill seeks to transfer all jurisdiction of courts from respective government departments (Ie. Department of Religion for Religious Courts and Department of Defense and Security for Military Courts) to the Supreme Court.
During the evening, the President and First Lady Tuti Setiawati arrived at Cendana Street where they were cordially welcomed by Tutut Soeharto and Indra Rukmana. Try knew that the friendly welcome was just a show for the cameras, he could see some unfriendly expressions in the crowd, most notably from DPR Member Hartono.
The President and the First Lady were there to attend prayers marking 1,000 days since President Soeharto’s death. Try sat with Sigit and Bambang Trihatmodjo with Tommy Soeharto of course now serving his prison sentence. Try looked thoughtful throughout the ceremony. On the one hand, he contemplated the fact that he had now held office for 1,000 days. On the other hand, he wondered if he would’ve lost the friendship of the Soeharto Family if he didn’t become president.
25th August 2000:
The President today chaired a full cabinet meeting attended by all the cabinet ministers. The following were discussed:
*The President opened the cabinet meeting by saying that the first half of the term is nearly up. He said that the work of the government must only intensify not lessen as the term progresses that is why he’s made the 17 appointments which he announced a few days prior. This was to ensure that the government’s work is further facilitated.
*Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Soedradjad Djiwandono said that the economy officially crossed 6.1% “sometime in July” and that it is looking strong. The Vice President piped in saying that the concern now is how to make sure that the demand in the economy does not turn into inflation. The President instructed that the next round of policy package should come from agriculture. If the agricultural sector could produce and be facilitated to produce more commodities, this will lessen imports from abroad and allow for foreign currency to be used for other usage such as importing raw materials for industry.
*Minister of Transmigration Hendropriyono and Junior Minister of Urban Development Giri Suseno reported that they’re bracing for people to begin returning to the cities at the end of the Eid’l Fitr Holidays at the end of the year. The trend for 1998 was migration from cities to rural areas as employment opportunities in cities dried up, 1999 was wait and see, 2000 will see a return to the cities. Try turned to Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas and State Minister of Regional Autonomy Oemarsono to assist with this issue. He told them to instruct governors, regents, and mayors to cut bureaucratic red tape and promote investment in their provinces. He asks Harsudiono and Oemarsono o convey to the mayors of cities in particular to improve urban amenities such as sidewalks and public transports.
*Next, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, and Wiranto all took turns explaining about the hostage situation at Sipadan and what the government was going to do about it. Wiranto had barely finished when Hendropriyono put his hand up. Try told him to speak.
“I’m sorry, Mr. President”, said Hendropriyono “But what’s being proposed here is that the Kopassus will be deployed to free these hostages. What I want to know is, what will Indonesia get in return for this? We’re going to be doing the Malaysians a massive favor here.”
“I disagree with that”, spoke up Minister of Religion Quraish Shihab “I’d say we’re doing the region a favor. We’re showing the region that we won’t stand for radicals.”
“This is a Malaysian problem”, argued Siswono “It’s not our problem that Badawi takes too long to make up his mind. If we have the justification for it, fine, but we have to have a form of compensation for our efforts.”
“You do realize that we probably need to be successful first though, right?” piped in Junior Minister of Rural Development Agung Laksono.
“We do, but it’s best that we have contingencies”, argued Minister of Tourism Soeyono.
“If I may propose, I’d say the Malaysian Government should start taking in migrant workers again”, suggested Minister of Employment and Small Business Fahmi Idris to a mutterings of agreement “I keep on getting questions on my field trips about why Malaysia’s not available.”
“I’d say the Malaysian Government should withdraw the case about Sipadan and Ligatan Islands from the ICJ and give them back to us”, said Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Tanto Kuswanto to a more enthusiastic response.
---
I’ve been toying about the timing of these appointments for some time specifically whether or not it should happen before or after Golkar being dissolved. Essentially, Try wants to further consolidate his position as he prepares for the second half of the term.
Luhut Panjaitan did something he failed to do OTL by becoming Army Chief of Staff. In OTL’s August 2000, Luhut was Abdurrahman Wahid’s Minister of Industry and Trade.
The President’s schedule that morning was to be a meeting with Vice President JB Sumarlin, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman, and Assistant Vice Presidential Secretary for Economics Sri Mulyani Indrawati. Hayono and Sri Mulyani emerged out of the meeting together. All the journalists gathered thought they were announcing a policy together. Instead, Hayono announced that Sri Mulyani had just been appointed as Deputy Cabinet Secretary. The Deputy Cabinet Secretary’s responsibility will be to be the State Secretariat’s woman on budgetary and economic planning issues from formulation to implementation. She will sit in on meetings across the government on the aforementioned issues and be the State Secretariat’s representative.
But to the surprise of the nation’s television networks and newspapers, Sri Mulyani’s was not the only personnel shift in the government that day. Elsewhere, Junior Minister of Housing Enggartiasto Lukita announced that Dr. Ir. Basuki Hadimuljono of the Department of Public Works has been appointed CEO of Perumnas, the state-owned housing development enterprise. At Bulog’s headquarters, news was beginning to spread that Head of Bulog I Gede Awet Sara was beginning to pack his office.
At the DPR Building, the PKPI Members held an internal meeting. When they came out, they announced that Irsyad Sudiro had resigned as the Leader of the PKPI in the DPR and that Basofi Sudirman had been unanimously elected by PKPI members in the DPR. Chairman of DPR Harmoko confirmed the changes saying that Irsyad Sudiro will take on a responsibility in the executive branch in the government but that it will be the President’s prerogative on what position Irsyad would assume.
Back at the Presidential Palace, the President met separately with Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo and Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita. While Sarwono, Siswono, and Meutia had relatively short meetings, Ginandjar’s went on for some time. So much so that when the latter came out, he joked that “It’s okay, I haven’t been removed yet.”
Try watched Ginandjar on television as he had his lunch with Edi and Sugeng Subroto.
“All the others weren’t complaining about the changes you’re making to their authorities, Mr. President”, said Edi.
“That’s because all the others had their authorities strengthened whereas Ginandjar is somewhat correct for feeling insecure about his”, said Sugeng Subroto.
“I’ll do what it takes to keep him happy”, added Try “I like him as Minister of Foreign Affairs and want to keep him there. I just want a specialized set of eyes for all ASEAN matters.”
After lunch, Edi Sudrajat gathered all of the appointments Try intended to make to the government from the military ranks while Hayono Isman gathered all of the appointments from the civilian ranks. Try met with the civilan batch first and then the military ones, announcing to them one by one what their appointments would be and how their appointments would fit into the government’s overall scheme.
At mid-afternoon, Commander of ABRI Wiranto arrived. He saluted Try and then sat down.
“If I were the other side, I would be caught flatfooted, Mr. President”, complimented Wiranto.
“I haven’t named the Army Chief of Staff yet”, said Try.
The two sat down together, going over a list of names of candidates for Army Chief of Staff. After Wiranto had gone through the short list, Try thought things over for a while. Wiranto looked relieved when Try said that the new Army Chief of Staff would not be Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono but that it won’t be Djamari Chaniago or Djaja Suparman, who Wiranto had hoped, either. When Try named the new Army Chief of Staff, Wiranto nodded his head and thought for a while but then found the name to be agreeable and acceptable to him.
It was 7 PM when the President appeared in front of the cameras accompanied by Vice President JB Sumarlin.
“Tonight, I will be announcing personnel changes to improve the government’s capacity to deliver on its mandate for the remainder of the term”, he announced.
The personnel changes, including the appointments announced last Saturday, were as follows:
Within the State Secretariat:
*Maj. Gen. Sudrajat as Military Secretary (Presently ABRI Assistant of Functional Affairs, was Benny Moerdani’s secretary when the latter was Commander of ABRI. Replaces Mardiyanto.)
*Maj. Gen. Ismet Herdi as Presidential Secretary (Presently ABRI Chief of Information, was the Assistant for Mass Media and Communications at the Vice President’s Office during Try’s Vice Presidency. Replaces the retiring Soedjoko.)
*Sri Mulyani Indrawati S.E., M.Sc., Ph.d a Deputy Cabinet Secretary (Presently Assistant for Economic and Financial Affairs at the Vice President’s Office. New Position.)
*Brig. Gen. Kartini Hermanus as Secretary to the First Lady (Presently Director of Education at the Army Women’s Corps. Replaces Linda Agum Gumelar.)
*Baharuddin Lopa SH as an Inspector General of Development (Presently Secretary of the Department of Legal Affairs. Replaces Usman Hasan.)
*Lt. Gen. (Ret.) Sintong Panjaitan as an Inspector General of Development (Presently Chairman of the BPIS. BPIS to be absorbed by the Department of Industry).
*Irsyad Sudiro as an Inspector General Development (Freshly resigned as Leader of the PKPI in the DPR. Additional Inspector General of Development slot).
Government Agencies:
*Lt. Gen. (Pol.) Roesmahadi as Head of the BKNN (Presently Commander of the ABRI Staff and Command College)
*Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Yusman Yutam as Head of the BNPB (Summoned from retirement, BNPB a new agency)
*Ir. Ardiansyah Parman as Head of the BSN (Presently Director of Electronics at the Department of Industry, replaces Sudharmono ally Bakir Hasan)
*Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Adang Ruchiatna as Head of Bulog (Summoned from retirement, replaces I Gede Awet Sara)
*Ir. Usman Hasan as the Mass Guidance (Bimas) Control Secretary (Agency semi-independent of the Department of Agriculture. Formerly held by the Secretary of the Department of Agriculture on an ex-officio basis but this time held by a Presidential appointee on a full-time basis).
*Maj. Gen. Farid Zainuddin as Deputy Chief of BAKIN (presently without assignment at the Army Headquarters. Fills in a vacant position).
Ambassadors:
*Gen. Agum Gumelar as Ambassador to China (Presently Army Chief of Staff)
*Lt. Gen. (Ret.) I Gede Awet Sara as Ambassador to ASEAN (Presently Head of Bulog. President proposed that his status be Special Envoy but the Minister of Foreign Affairs prevailed on him that his status should be ambassador to prevent ‘confusion’.
State-Owned Enterprises:
*Ir. Basuki Hadimuljono as CEO of Perumnas (Presently a bureaucrat at the Department of Public Works)
Military:
*Lt. Gen. Luhut Panjaitan as Army Chief of Staff (Presently ABRI Chief of General Staff)
22nd August 2000:
Presiden Try today swore in all 17 of the appointees he announced the previous night in a ceremony at the Presidential Palace. In a short ceremony afterwards, the President officially promoted Luhut Panjaitan to the rank of general.
The press, the think-tanks, and the diplomatic corps had a field day with analysis of the events. The Jakartan press corps, always quite creative when it comes to this sort of thing, has referred to the 15 appointments made by Try as the “Sub-Cabinet Reshuffle” in reference to the fact that there have been personnel changes in some of the more important offices in government though none of these changes had occurred in the cabinet.
23rd August 2000:
ABRI Headquarters today announced that the President had approved of a command shuffle in light of Luhut Panjaitan’s appointment as Army Chief of Staff. The highlights are as follows:
-Lt. Gen. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono will take over Luhut’s old post as ABRI Chief of General Staff.
-Maj. Gen. Agus Wirahadikusumah will be promoted to lieutenant general and appointed as ABRI Chief of Social-Political Affairs Staff. Both Agus and Yudhoyono’s appointments to these two key positions at ABRI Headquarters reflect a desire by the President to have “intellectual muscle” on board as ABRI charts its course for the future.
-Yudhoyono classmate Maj. Gen. Cornel Simbolon assumes command over Kostrad’s 1st Infantry Division and Yudhoyono brother-in-law Erwin Sudjono is promoted to brigadier general and appointed Commander of the Aceh Operations Command. Both appointments are seen as consolation prices for Yudhoyono.
-Wirantoites Djamari Chaniago and Djaja Suparman remain at their respective posts as Deputy Army Chief of Staff and Commander of Kostrad.
During the day, Ginandjar Kartasasmita reported to Try that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi of Malaysia has officially rejected the offer of Libyan Leader Muammar Qaddafi to intervene in the Sipadan hostage situation.
24th August 2000:
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Albert Hasibuan and Minister of Legal Affairs Marzuki Darusman introduced a new Judicial Authority Bill. The bill seeks to transfer all jurisdiction of courts from respective government departments (Ie. Department of Religion for Religious Courts and Department of Defense and Security for Military Courts) to the Supreme Court.
During the evening, the President and First Lady Tuti Setiawati arrived at Cendana Street where they were cordially welcomed by Tutut Soeharto and Indra Rukmana. Try knew that the friendly welcome was just a show for the cameras, he could see some unfriendly expressions in the crowd, most notably from DPR Member Hartono.
The President and the First Lady were there to attend prayers marking 1,000 days since President Soeharto’s death. Try sat with Sigit and Bambang Trihatmodjo with Tommy Soeharto of course now serving his prison sentence. Try looked thoughtful throughout the ceremony. On the one hand, he contemplated the fact that he had now held office for 1,000 days. On the other hand, he wondered if he would’ve lost the friendship of the Soeharto Family if he didn’t become president.
25th August 2000:
The President today chaired a full cabinet meeting attended by all the cabinet ministers. The following were discussed:
*The President opened the cabinet meeting by saying that the first half of the term is nearly up. He said that the work of the government must only intensify not lessen as the term progresses that is why he’s made the 17 appointments which he announced a few days prior. This was to ensure that the government’s work is further facilitated.
*Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Soedradjad Djiwandono said that the economy officially crossed 6.1% “sometime in July” and that it is looking strong. The Vice President piped in saying that the concern now is how to make sure that the demand in the economy does not turn into inflation. The President instructed that the next round of policy package should come from agriculture. If the agricultural sector could produce and be facilitated to produce more commodities, this will lessen imports from abroad and allow for foreign currency to be used for other usage such as importing raw materials for industry.
*Minister of Transmigration Hendropriyono and Junior Minister of Urban Development Giri Suseno reported that they’re bracing for people to begin returning to the cities at the end of the Eid’l Fitr Holidays at the end of the year. The trend for 1998 was migration from cities to rural areas as employment opportunities in cities dried up, 1999 was wait and see, 2000 will see a return to the cities. Try turned to Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas and State Minister of Regional Autonomy Oemarsono to assist with this issue. He told them to instruct governors, regents, and mayors to cut bureaucratic red tape and promote investment in their provinces. He asks Harsudiono and Oemarsono o convey to the mayors of cities in particular to improve urban amenities such as sidewalks and public transports.
*Next, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, and Wiranto all took turns explaining about the hostage situation at Sipadan and what the government was going to do about it. Wiranto had barely finished when Hendropriyono put his hand up. Try told him to speak.
“I’m sorry, Mr. President”, said Hendropriyono “But what’s being proposed here is that the Kopassus will be deployed to free these hostages. What I want to know is, what will Indonesia get in return for this? We’re going to be doing the Malaysians a massive favor here.”
“I disagree with that”, spoke up Minister of Religion Quraish Shihab “I’d say we’re doing the region a favor. We’re showing the region that we won’t stand for radicals.”
“This is a Malaysian problem”, argued Siswono “It’s not our problem that Badawi takes too long to make up his mind. If we have the justification for it, fine, but we have to have a form of compensation for our efforts.”
“You do realize that we probably need to be successful first though, right?” piped in Junior Minister of Rural Development Agung Laksono.
“We do, but it’s best that we have contingencies”, argued Minister of Tourism Soeyono.
“If I may propose, I’d say the Malaysian Government should start taking in migrant workers again”, suggested Minister of Employment and Small Business Fahmi Idris to a mutterings of agreement “I keep on getting questions on my field trips about why Malaysia’s not available.”
“I’d say the Malaysian Government should withdraw the case about Sipadan and Ligatan Islands from the ICJ and give them back to us”, said Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Tanto Kuswanto to a more enthusiastic response.
---
I’ve been toying about the timing of these appointments for some time specifically whether or not it should happen before or after Golkar being dissolved. Essentially, Try wants to further consolidate his position as he prepares for the second half of the term.
Luhut Panjaitan did something he failed to do OTL by becoming Army Chief of Staff. In OTL’s August 2000, Luhut was Abdurrahman Wahid’s Minister of Industry and Trade.
96: Strategic Affairs
27th August 2000:
During the evening, President Try Sutrisno accompanied by First Lady Tuti Setiawati, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, and Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan paid a surprise visit to the Gatot Subroto Army Hospital. There Try visited former Army Chief of Staff AH Nasution who was ill with diabetes and stroke. Nasution was asleep but Try didn’t want to bother him.
On the way out, Try told Wiranto and Luhut that he’ll be meeting with Prime Minister of Malaysia Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and President of the Philippines Joseph Estrada at the UN Millenium Summit at New York City. Luhut reported that from a technical standpoint, he’ll need the hostages brought back to Sipadan Island and then the extraction could occur there. Try said he’ll make note of it.
From the Gatot Subroto Army Hospital, Try headed to Halim Perdanakusuma Airport to depart for his overseas trip. It was near 11 PM local time when Try landed at Bandaranaike Airport at Colombo, Sri Lanka where he was welcomed on the tarmac by Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka Lakshman Kardigamar.
28th August 2000:
The morning began with a welcome ceremony at the President’s House where Try stood beside President Chandrika Kumaratunga as the national anthems played. There was a lot of handshaking not least with the President’s mother, former Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
In his meeting with Kumaratunga, Try was accompanied by Edi Sudrajat, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, and Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar. Kumaratunga by Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, Lakshman Kardigamar, and Chief of Defence Staff Rohan Galowatte. Try hailed Sri Lanka as one of the nations that participated in the creation of the Bandung Conference. Kumaratunga also hailed Indonesia’s role in hosting the Bandung Conference but then added that at the present time, she’s more concerned with internal affairs as could be understood for a nation still in civil war. Try said that he supports the Sri Lankan Government in its efforts to suppress the Tamil Tigers. The meeting ended with Wismoyo and Kumaratunga, the latter being her own Minister of Defence, signing a contract which commits the Sri Lankan Army to purchasing Pindad Assault Rifles from Indonesia.
After lunch with Kumaratunga, Try accompanied by Edi met with Ratnasiri Wickremanayake. The Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, who advocated a more hardline approach against the Tamil Tigers, bemoaned the fact that the rebels scored a major victory the previous April at the Elephant Pass. Wickremanayake picked Try’s brains on how Indonesia handled its separatist threats.
“My principle is that I wouldn’t allow them to break away but any other thing they have a grievance about, I’m prepared to address them”, Try explained in response.
After a dinner with the Sri Lankan business community, Try retreated to the hotel. He shook hands with Wismoyo and joked that they had become arms dealers now. Wismoyo said that Pindad is doing good work and that it is working on a prototype with State Minister of Research and Technology Indra Bambang Utoyo on an armed personnel vhicle carrier prototype due early next year.
29th August 2000:
An early start from Colombo via a small airplane took Try, part of his delegation and counterparts to the Central Province. They arrived at a district called Talawakelle where the temperature was around 18 degrees. Try visited a tea plantation accompanied by Wickremanayake and Minister of Agriculture D.M. Jayaratne who provided the commentary while Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja took copious notes. The President visited a plantation and chatted with some of the workers there before visiting the Talawakelle Tea Estates, an award-winning tea company.
After lunch, appropriately with warm tea, there was the highlight of the visit: The Tea Research Institute of Sri Lanka. Try listened to presentations about how the institution was established by law in 1925 and is responsible for producing and disseminating new methods for cultivating tea; tea being Sri Lanka’s most lucrative exports.
As the images of Try visiting the Tea Research Insitute were broadcasted in Indonesia, Prabowo Subianto appeared on a television interview on RCTI. He said that the government only needed to look at the steps President Soeharto to achieve food self-sufficiency rather than go to Sri Lanka if it wanted to learn about agriculture.
30th August 2000:
Appearing on TVRI in the morning, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas was interviewed on Prabowo’s comments. Striking a blow on the President’s behalf, Harsudiono said that the President has never thought negatively about what had been achieved in President Soeharto’s 31 years in power. However, it would be an error to say that nothing could be improved upon .
After a farewell call to President Kumaratunga, Try and his delegation boarded the airplane and left. Amongst all the work, Try sat down with Edi and Ginandjar Kartasasmita with State Minister of National Security Soerjadi speaking on the phone. The discussion was about what ‘quid pro quo’ they expected from Malaysia in the event the hostages kidnapped at Sipadan were to be freed by Indonesian forces. Ginandjar mentioned Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Tanto Kuswanto’s response about asking for the Sipadan and Ligitan case to be withdrawn from the ICJ. Soerjadi advised that Tanto’s suggestion is good but asks whether that fitted into the President’s long term foreign policy goals.
Once the meeting was finished, Try rubbed his chin and told Edi to place a call to Jakarta. Deputy State Secretary Soedibyo Rahardjo answered.
“We need your Besan to go to Malaysia and visit his friend there”, said Try when it came time to give his order.
The Presidential Plane landed at night in at The Hague. Representing the Dutch Government on the tarmac to welcome him was Minister of Foreign Affairs Jozias van Aaartsen.
Try’s first stop was the Indonesian Embassy in the Hague where in the presence of van Aaartsen, he officially revoked his decree recalling the Indonesian Ambassador to the Netherlands after protests the previous year against the Singapore Settlement and calling for Irian Independence.
31st August 2000:
Flying by helicopter in the morning, the President and First Lady landed at the Royal Palace of Amsterdam where they were welcomed by Queen Beatrix and Prince Claus. They were welcomed in a ceremony and had a photo opportunity. From Amsterdam, it was back to the Hague where Try met with Prime Minister Wim Kok. Sitting down accompanied by their delegations, Try and Kok spoke about closer relations in tourism and in defense.
In the joint press conference after the meeting, Try was asked about Indonesia’s relationship with the Netherlands to which he replied that it was in Indonesia’s national interest to have good relations with the Netherlands. Kok was asked about Indonesia’s human rights record to which he replied that he had reminded the President on this issue but that improvements in the Indonesian Government’s policies towards the Provincial Governments in Irian Jaya, East Timor, and Aceh must be acknowledged.
Throughout Try’s visit, demonstrators held signs and placards in front of Try’s hotel. They protested against “Indonesian occupation of Irian Jaya” and pointed out that “The Dutch Government is resuming relations with the Indonesian Government so that it can sell weapons to them.”
1st September 2000:
The President, accompanied by Edi Sudrajat and Wismoyo Arismunandar, was at Damen Shipyards today at Gorinchem. On behalf of the Dutch Government, Minister of Defence Frank de Grave attended. Wismoyo and de Grave were deep in discussion while Try and Edi took in the sight of the shipyard
“One of many reasons why our ambassador must be back in our Hague Embassy again”, said Try to Edi and Wismoyo in the car back to the Hague after the visit was over “So we can start looking for weapons to purchase from this country and I know the Navy will be interested.”
“They say you don’t spend as much time in agriculture as my brother-in-law used to but I say the direction you’re heading in, you’re going to spend more time in defense than he did, Mr. President” said Wismoyo.
At the Hague, Try had dinner and a meet and greet with the Indonesian community living in the Hague. From there and having returned to the hotel, Try got word that Chairman of ICMI BJ Habibie was in Malaysia and will be spending the weekend there.
2nd September 2000:
The President had a breakfast meeting with Kok at the Catshuis, the Prime Minister of the Netherlands’ official residence. Both agreed that it was in Indonesia and the Netherland’s best interests to have good relations with each other. Try invited Kok or any delegation from the Dutch Tweedekamer to come and visit to see for themselves what the situation was like in East Timor, Irian Jaya, and Aceh rather than from those who “wish for us to break apart”.
Returning to his hotel, Try taped an interview with NPO 1 the Netherlands’ public channel in which he said that he wished nothing but the best for the Netherlands. There was a farewell lunch with Queen Beatrix where Try invited her to come visit Indonesia and then the President and his delegation was of departing for New York City.
The President arrived in New York City in the evening local time. He was welcomed by Mayor Rudi Giuliani before heading to the hotel to rest.
3rd September 2000:
It was a Sunday and Try spent it sightseeing New York. Governor of Jakarta Sutiyoso joined the delegation for this trip and Try told him to take notes. Accompanied by his delegation, Try visited the Museum of Natural History and Central Park. The highlight for Try that day, however, was a visit to the World Trade Center. Visiting the Observation Deck on the South Tower, Try noticed most of the people in his delegation admiring how the tall the towers were. Try himself remarked over and over again in his mind about how indestructible the towers seem to be. Dinner was with the Indonesian community in New York at the Indonesian Consulate General.
That night, after his wife gone to sleep, Try flicked through the TV channels. The news showed what promised to be a tense battle between Vice President Al Gore and Senator John McCain for the presidency and First Lady Hillary Clinton running for Senate. Try however, was most interested in news that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi had also arrived in New York.
4th September 2000:
While most of his delegation went about New York with their own meetings, Try stayed at his hotel. Accompanied by Edi Sudrajat and Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Try welcomed Badawi and Malaysian Minister of Foreign Affairs Razidah Azis. They talked long about the circumstances of the kidnappings at Sipadan Island and what needed to be done about it. Badawi said that he accepts Indonesia’s offer of wanting to “extract” the hostages taken in the Sipadan Kidnappings from Abu Sayyaf and that he will convey this to President Joseph Estrada when he gets the chance.
The question now, according to Badawi, was what the quid pro quo Indonesia expected in return for this. Try said he just wanted to rid the region of radicalism. Badawi smiled and asked Azis to read the offer which had been approved by the Malaysian Cabinet.
The offer was for the revocation of Indonesia’s agreement with Malaysia in 1997 to take the dispute over Sipadan and Ligatan to the ICJ; in other words for the case currently in front of the ICJ to be withdrawn. There will be joint administration over the two islands. The Malaysian and Indonesian governments would provide joint security and jointly develop the two islands. Ginandjar and Edi looked at the President as he nodded and thought about things for a moment.
“The case in front of the ICJ has been going on for 2 years; let it run its course whatever the result may be, Mr. Prime Minister” said Try.
Badawi and Azis looked surprised clearly not expecting this answer.
“If I may ask, what then do you want, Mr. President?” asked Badawi.
Try went on to speak about how the world was beginning to position itself into a “New Cold War” with the US on one side and China and Russia on the other trying to vie for global supremacy. Try asked where does that leave Southeast Asia?
“Your activities in recent months, getting involved in this situation with the hostages and going around visiting the nations in mainland Southeast Asia, all hint that you want to try counter China’s influence”, said Badawi.
“Indonesia can’t counter China or Russia or the United States, at least not on our own”, said Try “We’re just one country. There is however 10 of us in ASEAN, if we move together more closely, we could have more of a presence on the international stage.”
“If I may, though, isn’t that the purpose of ASEAN?” asked Badawi.
“In practice though everyone’s got their own interests and situations and backgrounds. Vietnam’s traditionally anti-China though China’s bent on drawing its current leadership into its orbit, Cambodia’s closer to China, Laos and Myanmar are doing their own thing, Thailand and the Philippines are closer to the United States. Singapore and Brunei have close cooperation with various nations”, explained Try “Everyone can keep their existing cooperation and relationships, it’s just that strategically speaking, Southeast Asia should move as one.”
“ASEAN’s committed to a making its region a Zone of Peace, Freedom, and Neutrality”, said Badawi “That’s what we agreed on in 1971.”
“No, let’s do something more than being neutral on the world stage, let’s be independent”, said Try “Let’s have our own bloc in Southeast Asia.”
---
Besan= If you have a married child and they have parents-in-law, that makes the parents your besan. In this case Habibie is Soedibyo Rahardjo’s besan. There’s no exact word in the English language that matches up to besan.
This is uncharted territory as far as Indonesia’s concerned. It’s able to put more focus on defense and foreign affairs because it has gotten out of the Asian Financial Crisis. OTL, Indonesia was not able to focus on these matters until at least SBY.
It’s a paradox that even though Soeharto’s New Order was remembered as a military dictatorship, it underspent on defense so that it could focus on economic development and because ABRI had “off-budget” sources of funds anyway. Defense spending, buying new weaponry, and building on the defense industry only truly began to occur post-Soeharto in SBY’s presidency.
During the evening, President Try Sutrisno accompanied by First Lady Tuti Setiawati, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, and Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan paid a surprise visit to the Gatot Subroto Army Hospital. There Try visited former Army Chief of Staff AH Nasution who was ill with diabetes and stroke. Nasution was asleep but Try didn’t want to bother him.
On the way out, Try told Wiranto and Luhut that he’ll be meeting with Prime Minister of Malaysia Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and President of the Philippines Joseph Estrada at the UN Millenium Summit at New York City. Luhut reported that from a technical standpoint, he’ll need the hostages brought back to Sipadan Island and then the extraction could occur there. Try said he’ll make note of it.
From the Gatot Subroto Army Hospital, Try headed to Halim Perdanakusuma Airport to depart for his overseas trip. It was near 11 PM local time when Try landed at Bandaranaike Airport at Colombo, Sri Lanka where he was welcomed on the tarmac by Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sri Lanka Lakshman Kardigamar.
28th August 2000:
The morning began with a welcome ceremony at the President’s House where Try stood beside President Chandrika Kumaratunga as the national anthems played. There was a lot of handshaking not least with the President’s mother, former Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
In his meeting with Kumaratunga, Try was accompanied by Edi Sudrajat, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, and Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar. Kumaratunga by Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake, Lakshman Kardigamar, and Chief of Defence Staff Rohan Galowatte. Try hailed Sri Lanka as one of the nations that participated in the creation of the Bandung Conference. Kumaratunga also hailed Indonesia’s role in hosting the Bandung Conference but then added that at the present time, she’s more concerned with internal affairs as could be understood for a nation still in civil war. Try said that he supports the Sri Lankan Government in its efforts to suppress the Tamil Tigers. The meeting ended with Wismoyo and Kumaratunga, the latter being her own Minister of Defence, signing a contract which commits the Sri Lankan Army to purchasing Pindad Assault Rifles from Indonesia.
After lunch with Kumaratunga, Try accompanied by Edi met with Ratnasiri Wickremanayake. The Prime Minister of Sri Lanka, who advocated a more hardline approach against the Tamil Tigers, bemoaned the fact that the rebels scored a major victory the previous April at the Elephant Pass. Wickremanayake picked Try’s brains on how Indonesia handled its separatist threats.
“My principle is that I wouldn’t allow them to break away but any other thing they have a grievance about, I’m prepared to address them”, Try explained in response.
After a dinner with the Sri Lankan business community, Try retreated to the hotel. He shook hands with Wismoyo and joked that they had become arms dealers now. Wismoyo said that Pindad is doing good work and that it is working on a prototype with State Minister of Research and Technology Indra Bambang Utoyo on an armed personnel vhicle carrier prototype due early next year.
29th August 2000:
An early start from Colombo via a small airplane took Try, part of his delegation and counterparts to the Central Province. They arrived at a district called Talawakelle where the temperature was around 18 degrees. Try visited a tea plantation accompanied by Wickremanayake and Minister of Agriculture D.M. Jayaratne who provided the commentary while Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja took copious notes. The President visited a plantation and chatted with some of the workers there before visiting the Talawakelle Tea Estates, an award-winning tea company.
After lunch, appropriately with warm tea, there was the highlight of the visit: The Tea Research Institute of Sri Lanka. Try listened to presentations about how the institution was established by law in 1925 and is responsible for producing and disseminating new methods for cultivating tea; tea being Sri Lanka’s most lucrative exports.
As the images of Try visiting the Tea Research Insitute were broadcasted in Indonesia, Prabowo Subianto appeared on a television interview on RCTI. He said that the government only needed to look at the steps President Soeharto to achieve food self-sufficiency rather than go to Sri Lanka if it wanted to learn about agriculture.
30th August 2000:
Appearing on TVRI in the morning, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas was interviewed on Prabowo’s comments. Striking a blow on the President’s behalf, Harsudiono said that the President has never thought negatively about what had been achieved in President Soeharto’s 31 years in power. However, it would be an error to say that nothing could be improved upon .
After a farewell call to President Kumaratunga, Try and his delegation boarded the airplane and left. Amongst all the work, Try sat down with Edi and Ginandjar Kartasasmita with State Minister of National Security Soerjadi speaking on the phone. The discussion was about what ‘quid pro quo’ they expected from Malaysia in the event the hostages kidnapped at Sipadan were to be freed by Indonesian forces. Ginandjar mentioned Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Tanto Kuswanto’s response about asking for the Sipadan and Ligitan case to be withdrawn from the ICJ. Soerjadi advised that Tanto’s suggestion is good but asks whether that fitted into the President’s long term foreign policy goals.
Once the meeting was finished, Try rubbed his chin and told Edi to place a call to Jakarta. Deputy State Secretary Soedibyo Rahardjo answered.
“We need your Besan to go to Malaysia and visit his friend there”, said Try when it came time to give his order.
The Presidential Plane landed at night in at The Hague. Representing the Dutch Government on the tarmac to welcome him was Minister of Foreign Affairs Jozias van Aaartsen.
Try’s first stop was the Indonesian Embassy in the Hague where in the presence of van Aaartsen, he officially revoked his decree recalling the Indonesian Ambassador to the Netherlands after protests the previous year against the Singapore Settlement and calling for Irian Independence.
31st August 2000:
Flying by helicopter in the morning, the President and First Lady landed at the Royal Palace of Amsterdam where they were welcomed by Queen Beatrix and Prince Claus. They were welcomed in a ceremony and had a photo opportunity. From Amsterdam, it was back to the Hague where Try met with Prime Minister Wim Kok. Sitting down accompanied by their delegations, Try and Kok spoke about closer relations in tourism and in defense.
In the joint press conference after the meeting, Try was asked about Indonesia’s relationship with the Netherlands to which he replied that it was in Indonesia’s national interest to have good relations with the Netherlands. Kok was asked about Indonesia’s human rights record to which he replied that he had reminded the President on this issue but that improvements in the Indonesian Government’s policies towards the Provincial Governments in Irian Jaya, East Timor, and Aceh must be acknowledged.
Throughout Try’s visit, demonstrators held signs and placards in front of Try’s hotel. They protested against “Indonesian occupation of Irian Jaya” and pointed out that “The Dutch Government is resuming relations with the Indonesian Government so that it can sell weapons to them.”
1st September 2000:
The President, accompanied by Edi Sudrajat and Wismoyo Arismunandar, was at Damen Shipyards today at Gorinchem. On behalf of the Dutch Government, Minister of Defence Frank de Grave attended. Wismoyo and de Grave were deep in discussion while Try and Edi took in the sight of the shipyard
“One of many reasons why our ambassador must be back in our Hague Embassy again”, said Try to Edi and Wismoyo in the car back to the Hague after the visit was over “So we can start looking for weapons to purchase from this country and I know the Navy will be interested.”
“They say you don’t spend as much time in agriculture as my brother-in-law used to but I say the direction you’re heading in, you’re going to spend more time in defense than he did, Mr. President” said Wismoyo.
At the Hague, Try had dinner and a meet and greet with the Indonesian community living in the Hague. From there and having returned to the hotel, Try got word that Chairman of ICMI BJ Habibie was in Malaysia and will be spending the weekend there.
2nd September 2000:
The President had a breakfast meeting with Kok at the Catshuis, the Prime Minister of the Netherlands’ official residence. Both agreed that it was in Indonesia and the Netherland’s best interests to have good relations with each other. Try invited Kok or any delegation from the Dutch Tweedekamer to come and visit to see for themselves what the situation was like in East Timor, Irian Jaya, and Aceh rather than from those who “wish for us to break apart”.
Returning to his hotel, Try taped an interview with NPO 1 the Netherlands’ public channel in which he said that he wished nothing but the best for the Netherlands. There was a farewell lunch with Queen Beatrix where Try invited her to come visit Indonesia and then the President and his delegation was of departing for New York City.
The President arrived in New York City in the evening local time. He was welcomed by Mayor Rudi Giuliani before heading to the hotel to rest.
3rd September 2000:
It was a Sunday and Try spent it sightseeing New York. Governor of Jakarta Sutiyoso joined the delegation for this trip and Try told him to take notes. Accompanied by his delegation, Try visited the Museum of Natural History and Central Park. The highlight for Try that day, however, was a visit to the World Trade Center. Visiting the Observation Deck on the South Tower, Try noticed most of the people in his delegation admiring how the tall the towers were. Try himself remarked over and over again in his mind about how indestructible the towers seem to be. Dinner was with the Indonesian community in New York at the Indonesian Consulate General.
That night, after his wife gone to sleep, Try flicked through the TV channels. The news showed what promised to be a tense battle between Vice President Al Gore and Senator John McCain for the presidency and First Lady Hillary Clinton running for Senate. Try however, was most interested in news that Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi had also arrived in New York.
4th September 2000:
While most of his delegation went about New York with their own meetings, Try stayed at his hotel. Accompanied by Edi Sudrajat and Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Try welcomed Badawi and Malaysian Minister of Foreign Affairs Razidah Azis. They talked long about the circumstances of the kidnappings at Sipadan Island and what needed to be done about it. Badawi said that he accepts Indonesia’s offer of wanting to “extract” the hostages taken in the Sipadan Kidnappings from Abu Sayyaf and that he will convey this to President Joseph Estrada when he gets the chance.
The question now, according to Badawi, was what the quid pro quo Indonesia expected in return for this. Try said he just wanted to rid the region of radicalism. Badawi smiled and asked Azis to read the offer which had been approved by the Malaysian Cabinet.
The offer was for the revocation of Indonesia’s agreement with Malaysia in 1997 to take the dispute over Sipadan and Ligatan to the ICJ; in other words for the case currently in front of the ICJ to be withdrawn. There will be joint administration over the two islands. The Malaysian and Indonesian governments would provide joint security and jointly develop the two islands. Ginandjar and Edi looked at the President as he nodded and thought about things for a moment.
“The case in front of the ICJ has been going on for 2 years; let it run its course whatever the result may be, Mr. Prime Minister” said Try.
Badawi and Azis looked surprised clearly not expecting this answer.
“If I may ask, what then do you want, Mr. President?” asked Badawi.
Try went on to speak about how the world was beginning to position itself into a “New Cold War” with the US on one side and China and Russia on the other trying to vie for global supremacy. Try asked where does that leave Southeast Asia?
“Your activities in recent months, getting involved in this situation with the hostages and going around visiting the nations in mainland Southeast Asia, all hint that you want to try counter China’s influence”, said Badawi.
“Indonesia can’t counter China or Russia or the United States, at least not on our own”, said Try “We’re just one country. There is however 10 of us in ASEAN, if we move together more closely, we could have more of a presence on the international stage.”
“If I may, though, isn’t that the purpose of ASEAN?” asked Badawi.
“In practice though everyone’s got their own interests and situations and backgrounds. Vietnam’s traditionally anti-China though China’s bent on drawing its current leadership into its orbit, Cambodia’s closer to China, Laos and Myanmar are doing their own thing, Thailand and the Philippines are closer to the United States. Singapore and Brunei have close cooperation with various nations”, explained Try “Everyone can keep their existing cooperation and relationships, it’s just that strategically speaking, Southeast Asia should move as one.”
“ASEAN’s committed to a making its region a Zone of Peace, Freedom, and Neutrality”, said Badawi “That’s what we agreed on in 1971.”
“No, let’s do something more than being neutral on the world stage, let’s be independent”, said Try “Let’s have our own bloc in Southeast Asia.”
---
Besan= If you have a married child and they have parents-in-law, that makes the parents your besan. In this case Habibie is Soedibyo Rahardjo’s besan. There’s no exact word in the English language that matches up to besan.
This is uncharted territory as far as Indonesia’s concerned. It’s able to put more focus on defense and foreign affairs because it has gotten out of the Asian Financial Crisis. OTL, Indonesia was not able to focus on these matters until at least SBY.
It’s a paradox that even though Soeharto’s New Order was remembered as a military dictatorship, it underspent on defense so that it could focus on economic development and because ABRI had “off-budget” sources of funds anyway. Defense spending, buying new weaponry, and building on the defense industry only truly began to occur post-Soeharto in SBY’s presidency.
Well, that will be true--that is, until 373 days from now in-story, sadly...
Hmm quite a twist. Will try have the necessary force to pull this new bloc? This is the best time To do it tho
Try has got to try, no pun intended. No point being the first nation out of the crisis in SE Asia if nothing’s going to be done with that status.
Indonesia’s more assertive stance ITTL is also why I had Ginandjar’s become Minister of Foreign Affairs.
OTL Ginandjar has a nationalist streak in him (being the son of a PNI member and being in favor of indigenous businessmen) and was the only OTL government figure who managed to build some credibility for himself with the IMF during negotiations. No mean feat considering how badly the government mismanaged the Asian Financial Crisis in OTL. So I decided to tap into these characteristics of Ginandjar and put him in as Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Ali Alatas was good, but I couldn’t find the gap for him to lead a more assertive foreign policy.
97: Against Tutut and the Terrorists
5th September 2000:
World leaders flying into the 2000 UN Millennium Summit provided a nice distraction. No one paid attention to the fact that President Try Sutrisno, Prime Minister of Malaysia Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, and President of the Philippines Joseph Estrada were holding a three-way meeting to discuss the hostage kidnapped from Sipadan. The three-way meeting agreed that Malaysia would offer to pay a ransom to Abu Sayyaf provided that they take the hostages back to Sipadan. The Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Armed Forces of Malaysia would provide safe passage to Sipadan whereupon ABRI would conduct the operation to extract the hostages itself. Try, Badawi, and Estrada sent the orders back home telling their respective commanders to coordinate with their counterparts.
Immediately after his three-way meeting, Try gave official orders to Commander of ABRI Wiranto to place Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan in charge of operations to “extract” the Sipadan hostages and to cooperate and coordinate with the Filipino and Malaysian Armed Forces.
Try met with UN Secretary General Kofi Annan today. It was full of smiles though behind closed doors Annan was still unhappy about the Singapore Settlement the previous year. A more pleasant meeting was with Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee where the two committed themselves to building on the ties that was built on this year. Try also met for the first time with Peter Costello in the latter’s new capacity as Prime Minister of Australia.
Back in Jakarta, DPR Member Basofi Sudirman officially submits the PKPI’s registration form to the Department of Home Affairs.
6th September 2000:
The UN Millenium Summit got underway in New York City as first the UN Secretary General and then the various heads of state and government are allowed their moment to speak in front of the UN General Assembly.
On the way from the hotel, Try issued a statement mourning the death of Gen. Abdul Haris Nasution. He added that Chairman of DPR/MPR Harmoko will preside over Nasution’s funeral in acknowledgement of Nasution’s role as Chairman of the MPRS between 1966 and 1972.
7th September 2000:
As the parade of world leaders made their speeches, Try sat in his box between Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Indonesian Ambassador to the United States Nana Sutresna. Try asked Nana how will the US Presidential Elections play out. Nana said it will be a tight contest. Gore was eager to take advantage of the fact that he was Vice President, McCain and the Republicans were bent on getting into the White House, and both are keen to portray themselves as the right leaders for the United States.
In between sessions, Try met with President of South Africa Thabo Mbeki. Mbeki commented that the positive thing about the present international situation is that the Non-Aligned Movement would perhaps have less of an identity crisis and go back to the “way things were”.
Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas and Minister of Legal Affairs Marzuki Darusman formed a joint team consisting of officials from both departments to verify PKPI’s application to be officially recognized as a political party.
The Malaysian Government issued a statement saying that they were willing to pay a ransom to the Sipadan hostages provided that the hostages were brought back to Sipadan.
8th September 2000:
“Indonesia welcomes the Millennium Development Goals agreed to by the United Nations and it will strive towards fulfilling the goals set forth. We hope that all nations will be allowed to pursue fulfillment of the Millennium Development Goals in their own way without being required to adopt certain political, economic, and social institutions”, said Try among others when his opportunity came to deliver his speech in front of the General Assembly.
As the UN Millenium Summit came to an end, Try posed for a giant group photo with the other group pictures. Having attended the UN Millenium Summit and most importantly organized the operations to extract the Sipadan Hostages, the President departed back for Jakarta.
Abu Sayyaf accepted the Malaysian Government’s offer to pay ransom for the hostages and will deliver the hostages to Sipadan next week.
10th September 2000:
The President, State Minister of Youths and Sports Hajriyanto Thohari and Chairman of KONI hosted a lunch at the Presidential Palace for Indonesia’s 2000 Olympic Games Contingent. Try made a speech calling the athletes to make themselves proud in Sydney. He shook hands with all athletes and had a group picture taken with them.
Afterwards, he held a meeting attended by Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, Wiranto, Luhut Panjaitan, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo, and Chief of ABRI Intelligence Ian Santoso Perdanakusuma. Luhut explained about how things will proceed. Try’s instruction was that secrecy was paramount.
11th September 2000:
The President chaired a meeting attended by Vice President JB Sumarlin, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Soedradjad Djiwandono, Minister of Finance Mar’ie Muhammad, Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo, Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, Minister of Mining and Energy Djiteng Marsudi, Minister of Transportation Soerjadi Soedirja, Minister of Public Works Rachmat Witoelar, State Minister of State-Owned Enterprise Bacelius Ruru, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman, and Deputy Cabinet Secretary Sri Mulyani.
The meeting took up most of the day and discussed the revocation of Presidential Decision 39 of 1997 which will mean that there will be no more government projects on delay or put under further review. Try gave approval for most projects to go ahead though there were some projects which got more scrutiny than others:
-Any office buildings constructed by state-owned enterprises would now be funded by the state-owned enterprise in question instead of from government funds (“If Jamsostek and Jiwasraya can’t manage their own money, they don’t deserve a building”).
-Try disapproved of the North-South Triple Decker Toll Road in Jakarta which was to be a road, a toll road, and a light rail transport track all at the same time. The project was never cancelled but it never went ahead because the woman to whom the project belonged to was too busy diverting the funds for political activities. Try called for something more substantial and ordered Soerjadi Soedirja to focus on the completion of the Mass Rapid Transportation system instead.
-Djiteng Marsudi reported that the Tanjung Jati C Electricity Generator project should not go ahead. Djiteng said it would put Java’s electricity into overcapacity. This was not to say that the project has not gone through the proper tendering process. Try approved of this.
12th September 2000:
The situation in the DPR got heated as Edi Sudrajat and Soedradjad Djiwandono fronted the DPR to explain the decision made the previous day to revoke Presidential Decision 39 of 1997.
“Has the Government truly calculated the costs of not going ahead with the North-South Triple Decker Toll Road and the Tanjung Jati C Electricity Generator or did it cancel these two projects because it knows that Mrs. Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana has an interest in it?” thundered Ary Mardjono from the KPB.
“No complaint can be made about the Tanjung Jati C because the project was put on hold by President Soeharto back in 1997 but as for the Triple Decker Project, it was never cancelled; it was just the case that Mrs. Tutut diverted her investments elsewhere such as becoming the Chairwoman of Golkar”, explained Rambe Kamarulzaman of the PKPI “The Government could not be blamed for cancelling a project that has failed to start.”
13th September 2000:
The President and First Lady paid their respects to Gen. Nasution’s tomb at the Kalibata Heroes’ Tomb today. They then attended the 1 Week Anniversary prayer at Nasution’s house where they conveyed their grief to Mrs. Nasution.
14th September 2000:
At a lunch meeting with her supporters, Megawati Soekarnoputri received a report from her supporter Sutjipto that her supporters in PDI Branches around Indonesia are ready to participate in a PDI National Congress and win her the Chairwomanship. The meeting ended with two options on the table: wait until a National Congress is due to be held in June 2001 or to gather the necessary support in the branches and ask the Government for an Extraordinary National Congress.
15th September 2000:
The President arrived mid-morning at Batam Island where he was welcomed by Governor of Riau Dunidja. The President was there to inaugurate the Barelang Bridges, a series of 6 bridges that linked the Batam, Rempang, and Galang islands. In his speech, Try apologized for the fact that the bridges linking the island could have finished earlier but the priorities of economic recovery has meant that funding had to be diverted elsewhere in late 1997 and 1998.
After inaugurating the bridges, Try toured the island to look at industrial parks being constructed and other public facilities there. Among Try’s delegation that day were Deputy State Secretary Soedibyo Rahardjo, Rachmat Witoelar, Soerjadi Soedirja and State Minister of Development of Eastern Indonesia and Special Economic Zone Jusuf Kalla. Kalla said that he was hard at work with bureaucracies of the various departments, agencies, and other levels of government trying to integrate all of Indonesia’s “Special Zones” under one roof. Try told Kalla if possible, these special zones would not take long to develop. It would take a lifetime if all of the zones took as long as it did to develop Batam.
16th September 2000:
The President took the short ferry ride from Batam to Singapore where he was welcomed on shore by Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong and Minister for Foreign Affairs Lee Hsien Loong. Over lunch, Try and Goh agreed to closer ties including secondments for BKPM officials at the EDB so that the BKPM could learn from the EDB.
The highlight of this short visit was a dinner marking the launch of Lee Kuan Yew’s “The Singapore Story” book which tells the story of Singapore’s economic development. Try and the First Lady sat at the same table as Goh. As Lee Kuan Yew was delivering his keynote address, an aide slipped a note to Goh. Goh read it and looked at Try who continued watching Lee Kuan Yew make his speech as though nothing had happened. Goh passed the note to Lee Hsien Loong who could not believe what it read:
“This evening 3 Abu Sayyaf speedboats carrying all the hostages which that organization has taken over the past few months left Jolo Island in the Philippines for Sipadan Island so that hostages may be traded for ransom which was to be paid by the Malaysian Government. The boats were watched at a distance by ships from the Filipino and Malaysian Navies. On Sipadan Island, the men and the hostages went to the hotel where they had originally abducted the hostages where the handover can occur, specifically to its ballroom.
Upon arrival, the Abu Sayyaf men asked for the ransom they had been promised. The masked negotiator asked if the hostages could be handed over first. When this offer was refused, the power was cut in and the room went dark. Our attaché in the Philippines can confirm that men dressed in black ambushed Abu Sayyaf members in the room. There was a gun battle inside the ballroom and yells of “Get down on the ground!” and “We’ll kill them if you don’t stop shooti…”
“Something wrong, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs?” asked Try causing Lee Hsien Loong and Goh to look up.
“It’s nothing, Mr. President”, said Goh “It’s just that we’ve received news that the Sipadan Island hostages were released...their captors were ambushed by men who turned out to be Kopassus soldiers. There was a gunfight but the hostages were successfully freed, all the Abu Sayyaf men gunned down.”
“Ah yes”, said Try with a smile “I’ve been looking forward to hear this news.”
17th September 2000:
“...on behalf of the nation, I officially extend my gratitude and thanks to Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan, Commander of Kopassus Srijanto, and the Kopassus’ Counter-Terrorism Special Deta…”, said the President on the television screen cut-off by the television being turned off.
Tutut Soeharto put the remote down on her table. On one side of her, Titiek was eating breakfast. On the other, Prabowo Subianto read the newspapers.
“The Armed Forces of the Philippines also launched an attack on the Abu Sayyaf at Jolo Island and secured a comprehensive victory, but all the plaudits are going to our men and the President”, said Prabowo “This strengthens his stature in Southeast Asia which strengthens his position at home.”
“We need to move soon”, said Tutut “He’s cancelled two of my projects, we don’t know what he’s going to do next, and he’s always stronger. We have to make sure this will be his only full term as president.”
---
OTL, the Sipadan Hostages were freed by a combination of the Malaysian Government paying ransom and Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi negotiating on behalf of the foreigners taken hostage.
Just for a change, I’m having a government project finished earlier OTL be finished later ITTL as is the case with the Barelang Bridge.
OTL, it took until early 2002 for Presidential Decision 39 of 1997 to be revoked. It is a testament to the impact of the Asian Financial Crisis on Indonesia that the current government is still completing projects which had to be suspended in 1997 as a result of the crisis.
World leaders flying into the 2000 UN Millennium Summit provided a nice distraction. No one paid attention to the fact that President Try Sutrisno, Prime Minister of Malaysia Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, and President of the Philippines Joseph Estrada were holding a three-way meeting to discuss the hostage kidnapped from Sipadan. The three-way meeting agreed that Malaysia would offer to pay a ransom to Abu Sayyaf provided that they take the hostages back to Sipadan. The Armed Forces of the Philippines and the Armed Forces of Malaysia would provide safe passage to Sipadan whereupon ABRI would conduct the operation to extract the hostages itself. Try, Badawi, and Estrada sent the orders back home telling their respective commanders to coordinate with their counterparts.
Immediately after his three-way meeting, Try gave official orders to Commander of ABRI Wiranto to place Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan in charge of operations to “extract” the Sipadan hostages and to cooperate and coordinate with the Filipino and Malaysian Armed Forces.
Try met with UN Secretary General Kofi Annan today. It was full of smiles though behind closed doors Annan was still unhappy about the Singapore Settlement the previous year. A more pleasant meeting was with Prime Minister of India Atal Bihari Vajpayee where the two committed themselves to building on the ties that was built on this year. Try also met for the first time with Peter Costello in the latter’s new capacity as Prime Minister of Australia.
Back in Jakarta, DPR Member Basofi Sudirman officially submits the PKPI’s registration form to the Department of Home Affairs.
6th September 2000:
The UN Millenium Summit got underway in New York City as first the UN Secretary General and then the various heads of state and government are allowed their moment to speak in front of the UN General Assembly.
On the way from the hotel, Try issued a statement mourning the death of Gen. Abdul Haris Nasution. He added that Chairman of DPR/MPR Harmoko will preside over Nasution’s funeral in acknowledgement of Nasution’s role as Chairman of the MPRS between 1966 and 1972.
7th September 2000:
As the parade of world leaders made their speeches, Try sat in his box between Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Indonesian Ambassador to the United States Nana Sutresna. Try asked Nana how will the US Presidential Elections play out. Nana said it will be a tight contest. Gore was eager to take advantage of the fact that he was Vice President, McCain and the Republicans were bent on getting into the White House, and both are keen to portray themselves as the right leaders for the United States.
In between sessions, Try met with President of South Africa Thabo Mbeki. Mbeki commented that the positive thing about the present international situation is that the Non-Aligned Movement would perhaps have less of an identity crisis and go back to the “way things were”.
Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas and Minister of Legal Affairs Marzuki Darusman formed a joint team consisting of officials from both departments to verify PKPI’s application to be officially recognized as a political party.
The Malaysian Government issued a statement saying that they were willing to pay a ransom to the Sipadan hostages provided that the hostages were brought back to Sipadan.
8th September 2000:
“Indonesia welcomes the Millennium Development Goals agreed to by the United Nations and it will strive towards fulfilling the goals set forth. We hope that all nations will be allowed to pursue fulfillment of the Millennium Development Goals in their own way without being required to adopt certain political, economic, and social institutions”, said Try among others when his opportunity came to deliver his speech in front of the General Assembly.
As the UN Millenium Summit came to an end, Try posed for a giant group photo with the other group pictures. Having attended the UN Millenium Summit and most importantly organized the operations to extract the Sipadan Hostages, the President departed back for Jakarta.
Abu Sayyaf accepted the Malaysian Government’s offer to pay ransom for the hostages and will deliver the hostages to Sipadan next week.
10th September 2000:
The President, State Minister of Youths and Sports Hajriyanto Thohari and Chairman of KONI hosted a lunch at the Presidential Palace for Indonesia’s 2000 Olympic Games Contingent. Try made a speech calling the athletes to make themselves proud in Sydney. He shook hands with all athletes and had a group picture taken with them.
Afterwards, he held a meeting attended by Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, Wiranto, Luhut Panjaitan, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo, and Chief of ABRI Intelligence Ian Santoso Perdanakusuma. Luhut explained about how things will proceed. Try’s instruction was that secrecy was paramount.
11th September 2000:
The President chaired a meeting attended by Vice President JB Sumarlin, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Soedradjad Djiwandono, Minister of Finance Mar’ie Muhammad, Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo, Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, Minister of Mining and Energy Djiteng Marsudi, Minister of Transportation Soerjadi Soedirja, Minister of Public Works Rachmat Witoelar, State Minister of State-Owned Enterprise Bacelius Ruru, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman, and Deputy Cabinet Secretary Sri Mulyani.
The meeting took up most of the day and discussed the revocation of Presidential Decision 39 of 1997 which will mean that there will be no more government projects on delay or put under further review. Try gave approval for most projects to go ahead though there were some projects which got more scrutiny than others:
-Any office buildings constructed by state-owned enterprises would now be funded by the state-owned enterprise in question instead of from government funds (“If Jamsostek and Jiwasraya can’t manage their own money, they don’t deserve a building”).
-Try disapproved of the North-South Triple Decker Toll Road in Jakarta which was to be a road, a toll road, and a light rail transport track all at the same time. The project was never cancelled but it never went ahead because the woman to whom the project belonged to was too busy diverting the funds for political activities. Try called for something more substantial and ordered Soerjadi Soedirja to focus on the completion of the Mass Rapid Transportation system instead.
-Djiteng Marsudi reported that the Tanjung Jati C Electricity Generator project should not go ahead. Djiteng said it would put Java’s electricity into overcapacity. This was not to say that the project has not gone through the proper tendering process. Try approved of this.
12th September 2000:
The situation in the DPR got heated as Edi Sudrajat and Soedradjad Djiwandono fronted the DPR to explain the decision made the previous day to revoke Presidential Decision 39 of 1997.
“Has the Government truly calculated the costs of not going ahead with the North-South Triple Decker Toll Road and the Tanjung Jati C Electricity Generator or did it cancel these two projects because it knows that Mrs. Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana has an interest in it?” thundered Ary Mardjono from the KPB.
“No complaint can be made about the Tanjung Jati C because the project was put on hold by President Soeharto back in 1997 but as for the Triple Decker Project, it was never cancelled; it was just the case that Mrs. Tutut diverted her investments elsewhere such as becoming the Chairwoman of Golkar”, explained Rambe Kamarulzaman of the PKPI “The Government could not be blamed for cancelling a project that has failed to start.”
13th September 2000:
The President and First Lady paid their respects to Gen. Nasution’s tomb at the Kalibata Heroes’ Tomb today. They then attended the 1 Week Anniversary prayer at Nasution’s house where they conveyed their grief to Mrs. Nasution.
14th September 2000:
At a lunch meeting with her supporters, Megawati Soekarnoputri received a report from her supporter Sutjipto that her supporters in PDI Branches around Indonesia are ready to participate in a PDI National Congress and win her the Chairwomanship. The meeting ended with two options on the table: wait until a National Congress is due to be held in June 2001 or to gather the necessary support in the branches and ask the Government for an Extraordinary National Congress.
15th September 2000:
The President arrived mid-morning at Batam Island where he was welcomed by Governor of Riau Dunidja. The President was there to inaugurate the Barelang Bridges, a series of 6 bridges that linked the Batam, Rempang, and Galang islands. In his speech, Try apologized for the fact that the bridges linking the island could have finished earlier but the priorities of economic recovery has meant that funding had to be diverted elsewhere in late 1997 and 1998.
After inaugurating the bridges, Try toured the island to look at industrial parks being constructed and other public facilities there. Among Try’s delegation that day were Deputy State Secretary Soedibyo Rahardjo, Rachmat Witoelar, Soerjadi Soedirja and State Minister of Development of Eastern Indonesia and Special Economic Zone Jusuf Kalla. Kalla said that he was hard at work with bureaucracies of the various departments, agencies, and other levels of government trying to integrate all of Indonesia’s “Special Zones” under one roof. Try told Kalla if possible, these special zones would not take long to develop. It would take a lifetime if all of the zones took as long as it did to develop Batam.
16th September 2000:
The President took the short ferry ride from Batam to Singapore where he was welcomed on shore by Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong and Minister for Foreign Affairs Lee Hsien Loong. Over lunch, Try and Goh agreed to closer ties including secondments for BKPM officials at the EDB so that the BKPM could learn from the EDB.
The highlight of this short visit was a dinner marking the launch of Lee Kuan Yew’s “The Singapore Story” book which tells the story of Singapore’s economic development. Try and the First Lady sat at the same table as Goh. As Lee Kuan Yew was delivering his keynote address, an aide slipped a note to Goh. Goh read it and looked at Try who continued watching Lee Kuan Yew make his speech as though nothing had happened. Goh passed the note to Lee Hsien Loong who could not believe what it read:
“This evening 3 Abu Sayyaf speedboats carrying all the hostages which that organization has taken over the past few months left Jolo Island in the Philippines for Sipadan Island so that hostages may be traded for ransom which was to be paid by the Malaysian Government. The boats were watched at a distance by ships from the Filipino and Malaysian Navies. On Sipadan Island, the men and the hostages went to the hotel where they had originally abducted the hostages where the handover can occur, specifically to its ballroom.
Upon arrival, the Abu Sayyaf men asked for the ransom they had been promised. The masked negotiator asked if the hostages could be handed over first. When this offer was refused, the power was cut in and the room went dark. Our attaché in the Philippines can confirm that men dressed in black ambushed Abu Sayyaf members in the room. There was a gun battle inside the ballroom and yells of “Get down on the ground!” and “We’ll kill them if you don’t stop shooti…”
“Something wrong, Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs?” asked Try causing Lee Hsien Loong and Goh to look up.
“It’s nothing, Mr. President”, said Goh “It’s just that we’ve received news that the Sipadan Island hostages were released...their captors were ambushed by men who turned out to be Kopassus soldiers. There was a gunfight but the hostages were successfully freed, all the Abu Sayyaf men gunned down.”
“Ah yes”, said Try with a smile “I’ve been looking forward to hear this news.”
17th September 2000:
“...on behalf of the nation, I officially extend my gratitude and thanks to Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan, Commander of Kopassus Srijanto, and the Kopassus’ Counter-Terrorism Special Deta…”, said the President on the television screen cut-off by the television being turned off.
Tutut Soeharto put the remote down on her table. On one side of her, Titiek was eating breakfast. On the other, Prabowo Subianto read the newspapers.
“The Armed Forces of the Philippines also launched an attack on the Abu Sayyaf at Jolo Island and secured a comprehensive victory, but all the plaudits are going to our men and the President”, said Prabowo “This strengthens his stature in Southeast Asia which strengthens his position at home.”
“We need to move soon”, said Tutut “He’s cancelled two of my projects, we don’t know what he’s going to do next, and he’s always stronger. We have to make sure this will be his only full term as president.”
---
OTL, the Sipadan Hostages were freed by a combination of the Malaysian Government paying ransom and Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi negotiating on behalf of the foreigners taken hostage.
Just for a change, I’m having a government project finished earlier OTL be finished later ITTL as is the case with the Barelang Bridge.
OTL, it took until early 2002 for Presidential Decision 39 of 1997 to be revoked. It is a testament to the impact of the Asian Financial Crisis on Indonesia that the current government is still completing projects which had to be suspended in 1997 as a result of the crisis.
Last edited:
“Yes, we’ve had a big year economically. But how do we sustain that?”- Vice President JB Sumarlin
“You know what the problem with being clean like you is, Mr. President? You don’t have a lot of money. The other side has a lot of it and you can be sure they’ll throw every single Rupiah they got at making sure your presidency ends in 2003.”- Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas
“Well what confuses me is this: he’s acting like he’s the President’s friend now but I know for a fact that at that crucial moment, he felt he could have done a better job than President Try”- Prabowo Subianto
“The best way to your Southeast Asian bloc isn’t through Kuala Lumpur”- State Minister of National Security Soerjadi
“Syafii Ma’arif’s warning in July that Indonesian politics has become a contest between Try Sutrisno and Tutut Soeharto and their allies in various organizations has gone unheeded. We need a third force in Indonesian politics so that our choices would not be limited to Try and Tutut.
From where I sit, there’s one person that can become a third force in Indonesian politics. I’ll give you a clue: Merdeka! Merdeka! Merdeka!”- Goenawan Mohammad
——
Nothing like a holiday to get the creative juices flowing. But these are just some of the things you can look forward to in the TL after I get back from holiday and in 2020.
Over and out from Tokyo, Japan.
“You know what the problem with being clean like you is, Mr. President? You don’t have a lot of money. The other side has a lot of it and you can be sure they’ll throw every single Rupiah they got at making sure your presidency ends in 2003.”- Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas
“Well what confuses me is this: he’s acting like he’s the President’s friend now but I know for a fact that at that crucial moment, he felt he could have done a better job than President Try”- Prabowo Subianto
“The best way to your Southeast Asian bloc isn’t through Kuala Lumpur”- State Minister of National Security Soerjadi
“Syafii Ma’arif’s warning in July that Indonesian politics has become a contest between Try Sutrisno and Tutut Soeharto and their allies in various organizations has gone unheeded. We need a third force in Indonesian politics so that our choices would not be limited to Try and Tutut.
From where I sit, there’s one person that can become a third force in Indonesian politics. I’ll give you a clue: Merdeka! Merdeka! Merdeka!”- Goenawan Mohammad
——
Nothing like a holiday to get the creative juices flowing. But these are just some of the things you can look forward to in the TL after I get back from holiday and in 2020.
Over and out from Tokyo, Japan.
98: Come to Soeharto's Defense
18th September 2000:
President Try Sutrisno received an official letter from Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi from Malaysia conveying the Malaysian people’s thanks for Indonesia’s intervention with the Sipadan Hostage Situation. The letter was delivered by Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Indonesian Ambassador to Malaysia Arief Koeshariadi. Try read it with a satisfied expression and handed it to State Secretary Edi Sudrajat.
“One thing that he did not mention in the letter, Mr. President”, added Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita “Prime Minister Badawi said that he would like time to gather support within his cabinet for what you’ve requested.”
“We’ll allow him that time”, said Try
19th September 2000:
An article in Republika Newspaper by Nurmahmudi Ismail said that he did not have a problem with the Government taking a clear stand against terrorism. At the same time, he hoped that the Government’s actions will not be a prelude of persecution against Indonesia’s Islamic Majority.
The President met with Minister of Education Wardiman Djojonegoro, Minister of Health Azrul Azwar, Minister of Religion Quraish Shihab, Minister of Social Affairs Meutia Hatta, Edi Sudrajat, Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman, Head of Bulog Adang Ruchiatna, Head of BKKBN Nafsiah Mboi, and Head of BPS Gunawan Sumodiningrat. He instructed the ministers to continue social programs enacted 2 years ago to deal with the crisis such as subsidized rice for the poor and free delivery of babies and related treatments.
“Our poverty rate was 11% in 1996 and it got up to 15% at the worst of the crisis in 1998, 14.4% in 1999 so we’d best better get that poverty rate down again to 1996 levels by the end of our term”, said the President.
20th September 2000:
Interviewed on Indosiar, Minister of Information, Post, and Telecommunications Oka Mahendra explained that preparations were well under way for the deregulation of the telecommunications sector. Oka explained that fixed telephone lines looks set to continue being dominated by Telkom and Indosat. The market’s interest seems to be in providing mobile phone service and to that end, there are some applications by mobile phone service providers to invest and operate in Indonesia.
Meanwhile, Minister of Forestry and Environment Barnabas Suebu announced that the President has lifted the moratorium on the granting of forest concessions but that the following conditions would now be put in place:
*A ceiling of 100,000 hectares for concession holders per province.
*A ceiling of 400,000 hectares for concession holders all around Indonesia
*A ceiling of 150,000 hectares for concession holders in Irian Jaya
*The enactment of a Resources Royalty Provision on all concession holders
Barnabas said that the aim is to ensure that no one has excessive areas of concessions in the forests and to provide opportunities for other entities to have forest concessions in Indonesia.
21st September 2000:
The President chaired a cabinet meeting attended by Vice President JB Sumarlin and all the ministers. The only item on the agenda was discussion of the aftermath of the events at Sipadan from the previous Sunday. Commander of ABRI Wiranto briefed the Cabinet on the events leading to the Sipadan Hostages being freed at the conclusion of which, Sumarlin led the Cabinet in applauding the President for the decision which he had made.
The discussion then turned to what “quid pro quo” Indonesia would ask from Malaysia. At this point, Try told the ministers of what he had asked of Badawi. There were some murmurings in the table.
“We’re in a position here to get some significant concessions here, Mr. President, we just saved their citizens”, said Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Tanto Kuswanto “I think we could ask for more.”
“Oh we’re asking for something more”, argued Minister of Transmigration Hendropriyono “The President’s asked them to recognize our leadership in Southeast Asia.”
The Cabinet meeting ended inconclusively with some ministers understanding what the President was trying to do and still others wondering why he didn’t push for more benefits. The President stood up and was the first to leave the room. The Vice President followed him.
“That didn’t go so well did it, Mr. Vice President?” asked Try.
“I get what you’re trying to do, Mr. President”, said Sumarlin “Maybe it’s a little too abstract to be processed for the moment.”
22nd September 2000:
The President held a Friday luncheon after Friday Prayers with Wiranto, Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan, Commander of Kopassus Srijanto and members of the Kopassus’ Counter-Terrorism Special Detachment. Try shook hands with all the members of the unit.
In a TVRI interview, State Minister of National Security Soerjadi said that it was the correct strategic move for the Government to assist with the Sipadan Hostage situation because the Government had to show that it was against terrorists and radicals in the region.
Tutut Soeharto was seen paying her respects to her parents Soeharto and Siti Hartinah’s tombs at Astana Giribangun at Solo, Central Java. When asked why she was there, Tutut replied that she is asking her parents’ blessing for the venture she was about to embark on.
23rd September 2000:
The President breakfasted with the Pancasila Coalition; Chairman of DPR Harmoko, Wahono, Chairman of ICMI BJ Habibie, Chairman of NU Abdurrahman Wahid, Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais, and Chairman of PPP Matori Abdul Djalil. Though there were lots of praise towards Try for the extraction of the Sipadan Hostages, the men talked about the immediate political future:
*Matori said that there is a lot of enthusiasm in PPP about their prospects at the next election considering that Golkar is no more. Matori said that it is this prospect that’s keeping Hamzah Haz and his supporters from making a decisive break with the PPP even as they continued to support Tutut.
*Harmoko made the argument, to the agreement of those around the table,that Tutut would strike next at ICMI. ICMI will be having its congress soon and Tutut will make sure that whoever is the chairman will be friendly her. Habibie has said that he will run for re-election though he’s not certain who his opponent will be.
25th September 2000:
Accompanied by JB Sumarlin and Edi Sudrajat, the President met with Governor of BI Boediono, Junior Minister of Finance Marzuki Usman and Head of IBRA Bambang Subianto discuss the BLBI repayments two years after it has been agreed to.
*Boediono reported that things are going smoothly in large part due to the quick steps the Government took in order to stabilize the currency in early to middle 1998. This ensured that the banks are still able o be saved and could still have the capacity to repay the BLBI assistance and restore the bank’s financial health albeit with close supervision from the Government. Boediono said that with IBRA’s advice, BI is slowly adjusting the capital adequacy ratio upwards as banks began to repay their BLBI assistance and become more viable.
*Marzuki Usman proposed that BLBI assistance recipient banks be allowed to merge, consolidate, or acquire other banks. This can allow the banks to reorganize themselves so that they have more strength financially, have more capacity to repay their BLBI assistance in the short term, and be more viable in the long term after they have repaid their BLBI assistance and are no longer under Government supervision. Boediono and Bambang Subianto added that there have been requests of this nature in their meeting with the various bank owners. The President said he will take it under consideration.
26th September 2000:
In a press conference from Putrajaya, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said after a Cabinet Meeting that Malaysia is appreciative of what Indonesia has done to free Malaysian nationals held hostage by Abu Sayyaf and says that the Government would like to have nothing more closer cooperation with Indonesia. Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim said that he felt the Government could be more decisive about its response towards Indonesia but will support the Government’s position.
That night, the President discussed the matter with Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Edi Sudrajat.
“Badawi failed to get the support of the Cabinet for what you asked of him, Mr. President”, said Ginandjar “It seems ‘closer cooperation’ is all they are willing to offer; they didn’t say anything about about being part of a bloc with us.”
“And Anwar Ibrahim’s response…I got Habibie to lobby him to support Badawi if he decides that Malaysia should be in one bloc with us”, said Try “But if that’s all Badawi could do then there’s not much Anwar can do.”
“Did we really expect another outcome? We’re asking them to recognize us as the leader in the region” asked Edi “We got out of the crisis earlier than they did but they’re still the nation with the Petronas, the new international airport, and the more extensive highway network. Recognizing us as regional leaders is probably a little too much for a nation that employs our women as house maids.”
27th September 2000:
The President landed at Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi in the morning. After shaking hands with Governor Zainal Basri Palaguna and Commander of the Sulawesi Regional Military Command Ahmad Djunaedi Sikki, the President went to inaugurate the Ujung Pandang Museum. The museum contained artifacts related to the history of Ujung Pandang including a map used by European explorers to reach Sulawesi for spices.
The President’s main purpose at Ujung Pandang, however, was to attend the Indonesian Farmers Harmony Association’s (HKTI) National Leadership Meeting. With Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Chairman of HKTI Wardoyo by his side, Try hit the gong to officially open the meeting. After that Try delivered his speech in which he said the following:
“As the nation becomes industrialized and as stated in Repelita VII, the percentage of agriculture’s contribution to our economy will lessen though that will not make agriculture no less important to our economy. The Government’s goals in the field of agriculture will be the following:
*Continue to control the rice sub-sector while at the same time encouraging an increase in rice production and an increase in value added activities in rice-related agribusiness.
*Provide access to agricultural information, credit, and technology to encourage choice for farmers in what agricultural produce they would like to focus and produce in.
*Increase agricultural production and productivity, including through mechanization of agriculture, so as to decrease agricultural imports.
*Encourage agribusiness to add value to agricultural produce for both domestic consumption and exports.
*Provide infrastructure support in the shape of dams, irrigation networks, fertilizer factories, and rice storehouses.
*Remove barriers, whether bureaucratic, monopolistic, and otherwise, to all agriculture-related business and commerce.
*Pass an Agriculture Law in the DPR to secure the policies described above.”
There was a strong applause from those present as Try sat back down. Edi Sudrajat smiled proudly between his applause though it was Sarwono who beamed the most. At the end of the event as Try walked and chatted with Wardoyo, Edi spoke to Sarwono.
“I just want to say the President will need your support more than ever to realize what he just outlined”, said Edi.
“I know”, said Sarwono “Let’s get him out of Soeharto’s shadow in agriculture, shall we?”
The President immediately returned to Jakarta after attending the HKTI National Leadership Meeting.
28th September 2000:
Ginandjar Kartasasmita held a press conference to issue a statement on behalf of the Indonesian Government saying that Indonesia was just doing its responsibility to keep the region free of extremism when it helped free the hostages taken in a Sipadan.The statement went on to say that Indonesia is willing to accept closer cooperation with Malaysia.
As Ginandjar issued his statement, Try was in discussion in his office with Ambassador to ASEAN I Gede Awet Sara. Try asked how are the other Southeast Asian countries receiving news about the Sipadan Hostages being freed and the Malaysian Government’s response to it. Awet Sara said that the Philippines are appalled that Malaysia is only merely “appreciative” of Indonesia’s role in freeing the hostages. Singapore, Thailand, and Brunei got the message that this was an assertion of Indonesian leadership in the region but felt it inappropriate to weigh in on Malaysia’s response the way the Philippines did. Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar are adopting a wait and see approach.
29th September 2000:
In an interview on RRI Radio, DPR Member Hartono said that it had been a bad week for the Government on two fronts:
“First in foreign affairs; we’re all proud of what has been done by our men in freeing Malaysian hostages. What we’re not proud of is the President backing down in the face of Malaysia not showing sufficient gratitude for what we’ve done to help them.
Second in agriculture; I think it is sad that the President has all but given up by no longer saying that the Government is targeting rice self-sufficiency. It’s sad because the work done by Presiden Soeharto will all be for nothing now.”
Hartono concluded by saying that the time is coming near to give a strong challenge to the Government and all that it stands for.
1st October 2000:
The President presided over Might of Pancasila Day commemorations at the Crocodile Hole today.
The more newsworthy item was a news conference held by Tutut Soeharto at Cendana Street. She spoke firmly and without notes, giving the appearance of conviction and certainty.
“I was the Chairwoman of Golkar for nearly two years prior to the end of its existence last August. I nominated for the chairwomanship of Golkar out of my own sense of duty for the country and out of respect for my father’s request that I contribute towards the advance of this nation.
I believe that if there was something fundamentally wrong with the course that President Soeharto set with this nation, we would not be where we are today. It is on the back of President Soeharto’s economic policies that the Government has had the means of guiding the nation to economic recovery. I firmly believe that.
Nearly three years since President Soeharto’s death and the rise of the current Government, I find myself concerned about my country. I’m concerned that we are no longer self-sufficient in rice. I’m concerned that we are spending less time in agriculture, in rural development, in family planning. I’m concerned that our economy is becoming more liberal and less nationalistic. Others may say that I’m obstructing the work of the current President but I can only defend myself by saying that what I’ve done has been out of concern for this country. I know that there are others who share these concerns with me.
Saddened though I am by the demise of Golkar, an organization which Indonesians should be proud of, we must embrace the opportunity that this event has given us. It is now my intention to create a new political party for those who share my concerns with the way this nation is heading.
Therefore, I announce today the formation of the Partai Karya Pembangunan Bangsa-the National Functional Development Party (PKPB). Our immediate goal will be to consolidate ourselves and participate in the 2002 Legislative Elections so that we can address the concerns I mentioned above and bring the nation back on the path set for it three decades ago by President Soeharto, a just and prosperous society based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
Fellow countrymen, 35 years ago Maj. Gen. Soeharto came to defend Pancasila. Let us now come together to defend his legacy.
May God continue to give His blessings on the Republic of Indonesia.”
---
Happy New Year folks!
We’ve got Try trying to make something out of Indonesia’s role in freeing the Sipadan Hostages but struggling. We also have him try to tackle agriculture by trying to outline his vision in agriculture.
ITTL Asian Financial Crisis brought up Indonesia’s poverty rate to 15% as opposed to OTL’s 24.2% (https://databoks.katadata.co.id/dat...gka-kemiskinan-maret-2019-terendah-sejak-1998)
Tutut has declared the formation of her political party which is the PKPB to counter Try’s PKPI.
In OTL, the PKPI and PKPB broke off from Golkar. OTL PKPI was formed by Try and Edi Sudrajat while OTL PKPB was formed by Tutut so in that sense there is a parallel/similarity between the OTL and ITTL versions of the two parties.
The main difference between OTL and ITTL PKPI and PKPB is what it’s short for.
OTL PKPI: Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia (The Indonesian Justice and Unity Party)
ITTL PKPI: Partai Karya Pembangunan Indonesia (The Indonesian Functional Development Party)
OTL PKPB: Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa (The National Functional Concern for the Party)
ITTL PKPB: Partai Karya Pembangunan Bangsa (The National Functional Development Party)
The reason for these differences is simple, both Try and Tutut still want to emphasize their parties’ links with Golkar in its names.
President Try Sutrisno received an official letter from Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi from Malaysia conveying the Malaysian people’s thanks for Indonesia’s intervention with the Sipadan Hostage Situation. The letter was delivered by Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Indonesian Ambassador to Malaysia Arief Koeshariadi. Try read it with a satisfied expression and handed it to State Secretary Edi Sudrajat.
“One thing that he did not mention in the letter, Mr. President”, added Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita “Prime Minister Badawi said that he would like time to gather support within his cabinet for what you’ve requested.”
“We’ll allow him that time”, said Try
19th September 2000:
An article in Republika Newspaper by Nurmahmudi Ismail said that he did not have a problem with the Government taking a clear stand against terrorism. At the same time, he hoped that the Government’s actions will not be a prelude of persecution against Indonesia’s Islamic Majority.
The President met with Minister of Education Wardiman Djojonegoro, Minister of Health Azrul Azwar, Minister of Religion Quraish Shihab, Minister of Social Affairs Meutia Hatta, Edi Sudrajat, Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman, Head of Bulog Adang Ruchiatna, Head of BKKBN Nafsiah Mboi, and Head of BPS Gunawan Sumodiningrat. He instructed the ministers to continue social programs enacted 2 years ago to deal with the crisis such as subsidized rice for the poor and free delivery of babies and related treatments.
“Our poverty rate was 11% in 1996 and it got up to 15% at the worst of the crisis in 1998, 14.4% in 1999 so we’d best better get that poverty rate down again to 1996 levels by the end of our term”, said the President.
20th September 2000:
Interviewed on Indosiar, Minister of Information, Post, and Telecommunications Oka Mahendra explained that preparations were well under way for the deregulation of the telecommunications sector. Oka explained that fixed telephone lines looks set to continue being dominated by Telkom and Indosat. The market’s interest seems to be in providing mobile phone service and to that end, there are some applications by mobile phone service providers to invest and operate in Indonesia.
Meanwhile, Minister of Forestry and Environment Barnabas Suebu announced that the President has lifted the moratorium on the granting of forest concessions but that the following conditions would now be put in place:
*A ceiling of 100,000 hectares for concession holders per province.
*A ceiling of 400,000 hectares for concession holders all around Indonesia
*A ceiling of 150,000 hectares for concession holders in Irian Jaya
*The enactment of a Resources Royalty Provision on all concession holders
Barnabas said that the aim is to ensure that no one has excessive areas of concessions in the forests and to provide opportunities for other entities to have forest concessions in Indonesia.
21st September 2000:
The President chaired a cabinet meeting attended by Vice President JB Sumarlin and all the ministers. The only item on the agenda was discussion of the aftermath of the events at Sipadan from the previous Sunday. Commander of ABRI Wiranto briefed the Cabinet on the events leading to the Sipadan Hostages being freed at the conclusion of which, Sumarlin led the Cabinet in applauding the President for the decision which he had made.
The discussion then turned to what “quid pro quo” Indonesia would ask from Malaysia. At this point, Try told the ministers of what he had asked of Badawi. There were some murmurings in the table.
“We’re in a position here to get some significant concessions here, Mr. President, we just saved their citizens”, said Minister of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries Tanto Kuswanto “I think we could ask for more.”
“Oh we’re asking for something more”, argued Minister of Transmigration Hendropriyono “The President’s asked them to recognize our leadership in Southeast Asia.”
The Cabinet meeting ended inconclusively with some ministers understanding what the President was trying to do and still others wondering why he didn’t push for more benefits. The President stood up and was the first to leave the room. The Vice President followed him.
“That didn’t go so well did it, Mr. Vice President?” asked Try.
“I get what you’re trying to do, Mr. President”, said Sumarlin “Maybe it’s a little too abstract to be processed for the moment.”
22nd September 2000:
The President held a Friday luncheon after Friday Prayers with Wiranto, Army Chief of Staff Luhut Panjaitan, Commander of Kopassus Srijanto and members of the Kopassus’ Counter-Terrorism Special Detachment. Try shook hands with all the members of the unit.
In a TVRI interview, State Minister of National Security Soerjadi said that it was the correct strategic move for the Government to assist with the Sipadan Hostage situation because the Government had to show that it was against terrorists and radicals in the region.
Tutut Soeharto was seen paying her respects to her parents Soeharto and Siti Hartinah’s tombs at Astana Giribangun at Solo, Central Java. When asked why she was there, Tutut replied that she is asking her parents’ blessing for the venture she was about to embark on.
23rd September 2000:
The President breakfasted with the Pancasila Coalition; Chairman of DPR Harmoko, Wahono, Chairman of ICMI BJ Habibie, Chairman of NU Abdurrahman Wahid, Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais, and Chairman of PPP Matori Abdul Djalil. Though there were lots of praise towards Try for the extraction of the Sipadan Hostages, the men talked about the immediate political future:
*Matori said that there is a lot of enthusiasm in PPP about their prospects at the next election considering that Golkar is no more. Matori said that it is this prospect that’s keeping Hamzah Haz and his supporters from making a decisive break with the PPP even as they continued to support Tutut.
*Harmoko made the argument, to the agreement of those around the table,that Tutut would strike next at ICMI. ICMI will be having its congress soon and Tutut will make sure that whoever is the chairman will be friendly her. Habibie has said that he will run for re-election though he’s not certain who his opponent will be.
25th September 2000:
Accompanied by JB Sumarlin and Edi Sudrajat, the President met with Governor of BI Boediono, Junior Minister of Finance Marzuki Usman and Head of IBRA Bambang Subianto discuss the BLBI repayments two years after it has been agreed to.
*Boediono reported that things are going smoothly in large part due to the quick steps the Government took in order to stabilize the currency in early to middle 1998. This ensured that the banks are still able o be saved and could still have the capacity to repay the BLBI assistance and restore the bank’s financial health albeit with close supervision from the Government. Boediono said that with IBRA’s advice, BI is slowly adjusting the capital adequacy ratio upwards as banks began to repay their BLBI assistance and become more viable.
*Marzuki Usman proposed that BLBI assistance recipient banks be allowed to merge, consolidate, or acquire other banks. This can allow the banks to reorganize themselves so that they have more strength financially, have more capacity to repay their BLBI assistance in the short term, and be more viable in the long term after they have repaid their BLBI assistance and are no longer under Government supervision. Boediono and Bambang Subianto added that there have been requests of this nature in their meeting with the various bank owners. The President said he will take it under consideration.
26th September 2000:
In a press conference from Putrajaya, Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said after a Cabinet Meeting that Malaysia is appreciative of what Indonesia has done to free Malaysian nationals held hostage by Abu Sayyaf and says that the Government would like to have nothing more closer cooperation with Indonesia. Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim said that he felt the Government could be more decisive about its response towards Indonesia but will support the Government’s position.
That night, the President discussed the matter with Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Edi Sudrajat.
“Badawi failed to get the support of the Cabinet for what you asked of him, Mr. President”, said Ginandjar “It seems ‘closer cooperation’ is all they are willing to offer; they didn’t say anything about about being part of a bloc with us.”
“And Anwar Ibrahim’s response…I got Habibie to lobby him to support Badawi if he decides that Malaysia should be in one bloc with us”, said Try “But if that’s all Badawi could do then there’s not much Anwar can do.”
“Did we really expect another outcome? We’re asking them to recognize us as the leader in the region” asked Edi “We got out of the crisis earlier than they did but they’re still the nation with the Petronas, the new international airport, and the more extensive highway network. Recognizing us as regional leaders is probably a little too much for a nation that employs our women as house maids.”
27th September 2000:
The President landed at Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi in the morning. After shaking hands with Governor Zainal Basri Palaguna and Commander of the Sulawesi Regional Military Command Ahmad Djunaedi Sikki, the President went to inaugurate the Ujung Pandang Museum. The museum contained artifacts related to the history of Ujung Pandang including a map used by European explorers to reach Sulawesi for spices.
The President’s main purpose at Ujung Pandang, however, was to attend the Indonesian Farmers Harmony Association’s (HKTI) National Leadership Meeting. With Minister of Agriculture Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Chairman of HKTI Wardoyo by his side, Try hit the gong to officially open the meeting. After that Try delivered his speech in which he said the following:
“As the nation becomes industrialized and as stated in Repelita VII, the percentage of agriculture’s contribution to our economy will lessen though that will not make agriculture no less important to our economy. The Government’s goals in the field of agriculture will be the following:
*Continue to control the rice sub-sector while at the same time encouraging an increase in rice production and an increase in value added activities in rice-related agribusiness.
*Provide access to agricultural information, credit, and technology to encourage choice for farmers in what agricultural produce they would like to focus and produce in.
*Increase agricultural production and productivity, including through mechanization of agriculture, so as to decrease agricultural imports.
*Encourage agribusiness to add value to agricultural produce for both domestic consumption and exports.
*Provide infrastructure support in the shape of dams, irrigation networks, fertilizer factories, and rice storehouses.
*Remove barriers, whether bureaucratic, monopolistic, and otherwise, to all agriculture-related business and commerce.
*Pass an Agriculture Law in the DPR to secure the policies described above.”
There was a strong applause from those present as Try sat back down. Edi Sudrajat smiled proudly between his applause though it was Sarwono who beamed the most. At the end of the event as Try walked and chatted with Wardoyo, Edi spoke to Sarwono.
“I just want to say the President will need your support more than ever to realize what he just outlined”, said Edi.
“I know”, said Sarwono “Let’s get him out of Soeharto’s shadow in agriculture, shall we?”
The President immediately returned to Jakarta after attending the HKTI National Leadership Meeting.
28th September 2000:
Ginandjar Kartasasmita held a press conference to issue a statement on behalf of the Indonesian Government saying that Indonesia was just doing its responsibility to keep the region free of extremism when it helped free the hostages taken in a Sipadan.The statement went on to say that Indonesia is willing to accept closer cooperation with Malaysia.
As Ginandjar issued his statement, Try was in discussion in his office with Ambassador to ASEAN I Gede Awet Sara. Try asked how are the other Southeast Asian countries receiving news about the Sipadan Hostages being freed and the Malaysian Government’s response to it. Awet Sara said that the Philippines are appalled that Malaysia is only merely “appreciative” of Indonesia’s role in freeing the hostages. Singapore, Thailand, and Brunei got the message that this was an assertion of Indonesian leadership in the region but felt it inappropriate to weigh in on Malaysia’s response the way the Philippines did. Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar are adopting a wait and see approach.
29th September 2000:
In an interview on RRI Radio, DPR Member Hartono said that it had been a bad week for the Government on two fronts:
“First in foreign affairs; we’re all proud of what has been done by our men in freeing Malaysian hostages. What we’re not proud of is the President backing down in the face of Malaysia not showing sufficient gratitude for what we’ve done to help them.
Second in agriculture; I think it is sad that the President has all but given up by no longer saying that the Government is targeting rice self-sufficiency. It’s sad because the work done by Presiden Soeharto will all be for nothing now.”
Hartono concluded by saying that the time is coming near to give a strong challenge to the Government and all that it stands for.
1st October 2000:
The President presided over Might of Pancasila Day commemorations at the Crocodile Hole today.
The more newsworthy item was a news conference held by Tutut Soeharto at Cendana Street. She spoke firmly and without notes, giving the appearance of conviction and certainty.
“I was the Chairwoman of Golkar for nearly two years prior to the end of its existence last August. I nominated for the chairwomanship of Golkar out of my own sense of duty for the country and out of respect for my father’s request that I contribute towards the advance of this nation.
I believe that if there was something fundamentally wrong with the course that President Soeharto set with this nation, we would not be where we are today. It is on the back of President Soeharto’s economic policies that the Government has had the means of guiding the nation to economic recovery. I firmly believe that.
Nearly three years since President Soeharto’s death and the rise of the current Government, I find myself concerned about my country. I’m concerned that we are no longer self-sufficient in rice. I’m concerned that we are spending less time in agriculture, in rural development, in family planning. I’m concerned that our economy is becoming more liberal and less nationalistic. Others may say that I’m obstructing the work of the current President but I can only defend myself by saying that what I’ve done has been out of concern for this country. I know that there are others who share these concerns with me.
Saddened though I am by the demise of Golkar, an organization which Indonesians should be proud of, we must embrace the opportunity that this event has given us. It is now my intention to create a new political party for those who share my concerns with the way this nation is heading.
Therefore, I announce today the formation of the Partai Karya Pembangunan Bangsa-the National Functional Development Party (PKPB). Our immediate goal will be to consolidate ourselves and participate in the 2002 Legislative Elections so that we can address the concerns I mentioned above and bring the nation back on the path set for it three decades ago by President Soeharto, a just and prosperous society based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution.
Fellow countrymen, 35 years ago Maj. Gen. Soeharto came to defend Pancasila. Let us now come together to defend his legacy.
May God continue to give His blessings on the Republic of Indonesia.”
---
Happy New Year folks!
We’ve got Try trying to make something out of Indonesia’s role in freeing the Sipadan Hostages but struggling. We also have him try to tackle agriculture by trying to outline his vision in agriculture.
ITTL Asian Financial Crisis brought up Indonesia’s poverty rate to 15% as opposed to OTL’s 24.2% (https://databoks.katadata.co.id/dat...gka-kemiskinan-maret-2019-terendah-sejak-1998)
Tutut has declared the formation of her political party which is the PKPB to counter Try’s PKPI.
In OTL, the PKPI and PKPB broke off from Golkar. OTL PKPI was formed by Try and Edi Sudrajat while OTL PKPB was formed by Tutut so in that sense there is a parallel/similarity between the OTL and ITTL versions of the two parties.
The main difference between OTL and ITTL PKPI and PKPB is what it’s short for.
OTL PKPI: Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia (The Indonesian Justice and Unity Party)
ITTL PKPI: Partai Karya Pembangunan Indonesia (The Indonesian Functional Development Party)
OTL PKPB: Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa (The National Functional Concern for the Party)
ITTL PKPB: Partai Karya Pembangunan Bangsa (The National Functional Development Party)
The reason for these differences is simple, both Try and Tutut still want to emphasize their parties’ links with Golkar in its names.